When I joined the hobby about 10 years ago, I took on the same position in the recreated 2d Virginia Regiment that my ancestor William Dillon did as a fifer. As a new member of the hobby, I noticed a lack of knowledge regarding the type of fife used during the period, thus I started on a journey to correct this problem.
Over the past decade I have collected fifes from all time periods, amassing a collection of over 400 historic instruments dating to the mid 1700’s including a fife on loan displayed at the Museum of the Revolution in Philadelphia. I have also spent countless hours researching not only the fifes, but the fife makers. All of this has made one thing painfully clear: The fifes used by most of the hobby are not period correct.
How do I know? Because I own 10-12 period correct instruments and have examined as many held in museums and found that reproduction fifes used in the hobby share few characteristics with extant fifes from the period. Most period fifes are in the pitch of C or D, whereas most reproduction fifes are made in B flat because it sounds better, and construction details such as the fingerholes and ferrules are much different.
Based on my research, I’ve tried to do my best to dispel the misinformation and myths pervasive in the fife and drum world and accepted as “facts”. I created The Fife Museum as an online resource with photographs, background and detailed specifications of the fifes in my and other collections and short essays based on documented evidence about fifes and their makers.
Several years ago, I started to produce copies of period fifes in my collection in which I sold to Brigade members at a very reasonable price. Unfortunately, since then demands on my time forced me to stop making the instruments myself, but worked with another fife maker so they will stay in production.
These period correct instruments are now available from Musique Morneaux in both a British and American style, though of course the British fife can be used by both sides if desired. They are made of period correct wood with period correct fingerholes and period correct seamed ferrules. All are perfect examples of what a fifer from the Revolution would use.
As a “progressive” I’ve done all I can do researching, sharing my findings and creating resources for others. Does it take a little time to learn a few period correct fingerings? Yes! Does it cost a little money to purchase a period correct instrument? Yes! In the end, it is worth it? Yes, because now you are period correct.
Would one of you show up at an event with a modern M-16 and show it to the public as an example of a weapon from the period? Of course not, so why do we let it slide with the fife?
Again, the research is done, the manufacturing is done, now the rest is up to you.
P.S. We also should be using the music as it should have been used and not as an excuse for a bunch of musicians to get together and jam. But that’s a story for another day…
Steve Dillon is a fifer in the recreated 2d Virginia Regiment like his ancestor William Dillon was during the American Revolution, and owner of Dillon Music.
As a delegate in the Continental Congress in 1776, Thomas Jefferson helped lead a rebellion against King George III in part because of taxes. Five years later, John Claypool helped lead a rebellion against Governor Jefferson, also in part over taxes.
Virginia’s early success running royal governor Lord Dunmore out of the commonwealth and raising fifteen infantry regiments, two cavalry regiments and an artillery regiment for the Continental Army was largely undone by 1781. Its troops saw some of the heaviest fighting during the 1777-78 Philadelphia Campaign and its depleted regiments were further diminished by expiring enlistments. The Virginia Line underwent consolidations in 1778 and again in 1779; reducing its number of infantry regiments to three conglomerated “detachments” by the time they marched south to join the Southern Army. A string of defeats in Savannah, Charleston, at the Waxhaws and Camden effectively eliminated Virginia’s regular troops, requiring it to essentially rebuild its military entirely.
The Old Dominion remained relatively unscathed and untouched directly by the war after Lord Dunmore finally left the Chesapeake for New York City in 1776. That is until a British force under the command of Commodore Sir George Collier and Major General Edward Mathew took Virginia by surprise in May 1779, razing economic and military targets along the Chesapeake. The next year General Alexander Leslie took Portsmouth in October 1780, attacking Newport News and Hampton, destroying supplies and drawing attention away from Lord Cornwallis in the Carolinas.
General Daniel Morgan reversed this bad fortune in January 1781. A veteran of the French and Indian War, Morgan raised and led a company of riflemen in 1775 to join the Siege of Boston and the invasion of Canada, where he was captured in the attack on Quebec. Following his exchange, he was given command of the 11th Virginia Regiment as well as the Provisional Rifle Corps, an ad hoc formation of light troops from Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia. This corps were critical in the Battle of Saratoga, helping prevent a British from isolating New England from the rest of the colonies by taking New York.
Due to the consolidations, the 11th merged with the 7th Virginia Regiment in 1778 and Morgan resigned in 1779 to return to build a home east of Winchester in modern day Clarke County. His retirement was short lived following Gates’ Defeat at Camden when Morgan rejoined the army promoted to brigadier general in October 1780, taking command of an independent command in the Southern Army in the with orders to harass the British in the Carolina backcountry. In response, the British sent Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton to track down Morgan and the two forces met at the Cowpens in northwest South Carolina on ground of Morgan’s choosing. Brilliantly using his forces to their strengths while aware of their shortcomings, Morgan decimated Tarleton’s detachment, inflicting an 86 percent casualty rate.
Daniel Morgan’s “Saratoga”, built 1780 in Clarke County, c. 1928
Chronic joint pain however forced Morgan into retirement once more in February. Morgan was not alone in being worn down from the war however. After contributing so much to the cause only to lose it all, Virginia felt the effects of six years of fighting combined with a year of one military disaster after another. This was exacerbated when British force under Benedict Arnold landed in Virginia, burning plantations along the James River before attacking and burning the new capital in Richmond before setting up a base of operations in Portsmouth.
Virginia had very little left to defend itself with against this latest incursion other than militia. In response, the Assembly instituted a draft, raised taxes and conscripted supplies to keep the Southern Army in the field, creating similar conditions to those that caused the Revolution in the first place. With Cornwallis in North Carolina and Arnold in the Tidewater, any Loyalists remaining in Virginia now had reason for hope while those indifferent to the war became resentful of forced service and financial drain.
Samuel McDowell, the county lieutenant of the Rockbridge County Militia, described the dissention to Governor Jefferson: “The Act of October last, for raising this States quota of troops for the Continental Army…[and] Some of the field officers were of opinion that Districts ought to be laid off…the People in this Country, (hearing that they of Augusta had Prevented laying off the Districts there) met (to-wit) almost a hundred of them, and Seeing Colo Bowyer getting the lists from the Capts; of the Strength of their Companies, and Supposing it was to lay off the Districts anew, got into the Court House Seased the table, carried it off in a Riotous manner; and said no Districts should be laid off there, for that they would Serve as militia for three months and make up the Eighteen months that way, but would not be Drafted for Eighteen months and be regulars…they tore the Papers and after some time began to go off.”
In Hampshire County, militia Colonel Garrett van Meter reported to Jefferson “…that a dangerous insurrection has lately arisen in this County, occasioned by the execution of the late Acts of Assembly for recruiting this state’s quota of troops to serve in the Continental Army, and the Act for supplying the Army with clothes, provisions and wagons, in consequence of which the collector of the tax under the former Act has been opposed in the execution of his duty and has been obliged to desist from any further proceeding therein, and although every measure that prudence could suggest has been taken to suppress the rioters, yet it has proved ineffectual by reason of their having a superior force.”
“…the place They live in, which is composed of deep valies and inaccessible mountains…” A view of modern Hardy County, West Virginia near Moorefield
A few days later, van Meter updated his report to add that the draft “will not be complyed with, by Reason of the disaffected people amongst us. (A Collector of one of the Divisions for making up the Cloathes and Beef was Interrupted in the execution of his office.).” A leader emerged among the rioters, “A certain John Claypole” who “said if all the men were of his mind, they would not make up any Cloathes, Beef or Men, and all that would join him should turn out. Upon which he got all the men present, to five or six and Got Liquor and Drank King George the third’s health, and Damnation to Congress,).”
In response, “there was a warrant Issued for several of them, and Guard of Fifty men with the Sheriff. When they came to the place they found sixty or seventy men embodied, with arms – After some time they capitulated. the Sheriff served the precept on the said John Claypole, but he refused to come with him or give up his arms; but agreed to come such a time, which time is Passt – Inclosed you have a Copy of a Letter they sent me, and the answer I sent them – I was Informed there was one hundred and fifty of them to Gether the next Day. I am informed there are several Deserters amongst those people, Some from the English Prisoners. Some Eighteen Months men, and some Eight Months men, which they support and conceal.”
A local Baptist preacher initially wrote off the affair as “occasioned by Liquor”, and van Meter was “very Glad to hear the Mutineers Begin to see their Folly…”, promising to “…shew them all the Lenity the circumstance of the Case will admit of, but those chargable with breaking the Law I cannot clear, as I am but an Individual, unless they who are in the warrant Comes in and Clears themselves – from your friend, whil you are friends to yourselves and the United States.”
After a few weeks however, van Meter’s optimism waned, despite having “…no further accounts of the rioters, but have much reason to fear (whatever they may promise to the contrary) they will still stand in opposition untill a sufficient force is sent against them. I have within these Twenty-four Hours, received authentick information, that a very considerable number have assembled in another part of the County, determined to stand in opposition to every measure of Government, and endeavoring to persuade every one in their neighborhood to join them in their Treasonable and destructive measures – for this purpose (as I am told) they swear fidelity to each other. Their principal object is to be clear of Taxes and Draughts. These things Sir, are truly alarming, but I am happy in one consolation, that we have a majority of Friends to our happy Constitution and will spare no pains nor hazard when called on, to render their country what services in their power.)”
Concern of a festering Loyalist uprising started to spread throughout the Shenandoah Valley. Militiaman John Clinkinbaird recalled that “an express arrived in Berkeley County giving the Information that the Tories had embodied on the South branch of Potomac, under General Claypole Colonels Wooltze and Brake and that Hagers Town was to be sacked and burnt”. There also was an assumption that the “Tories were being organized in order to co-operate with the expected invasion of Virginia.”
An express also went out to Frederick County “for as many men as can be had, not at any Rate, less than three hundred from Frederick County…We look upon it, that our lives & Fortunes are in danger of being taken…” as Claypool “was expected by last night to command one thousand men” and “threaten, if successful, to kill Men, Women & Children.” The “only sure Remmedy to apply” to the rebellion seen was to “prevail upon Genl: Morgan to take a Tower amongst them, which seems to be their chief Resin – they are daily dareing him.”
Answering the call, “(the old Waggoner) General Morgan collected a detachment of volunteers for a tour of three months” comprised of militia under Colonel Abraham Byrd of Shenandoah County, Colonel Benjamin Harrison from Rockingham County and Colonel John Smith of Frederick County who had “and succeded in assembling about 400 men” in “Winchester Virginia and from thence he marched to the Zanes’ Iron works in Frederick County and lay there one day and night & thence he marched to a Creek called Big Capon in said County and thence he marched to General Claypole’s farm”.
Arriving at “Claypoles house on the west side of said North Mountain”, the militia “came right in sight of a large body of Tories we fired on them.” “Colonel [John] Brake the second in command was killed” and “one of them [Brake’s son] was shot in the calf of his leg, the ball lodged against his shin bone.” Animosity ran high as “Doc’t. Michael A Dacon, (Sergeon to Col. Benjamin Harrison Regiment) was requested to extract or cut it out and dress the wound of the tory, he refused, and said, d–n the tories let them find their own Doctors”. With Brake dead, “the rest all flead” while “Claypole with the most of his tory followers, had left for the mountains, or places unknown” as they had supposed “the numbers of troops led against them to be much greater than it really was.”
Having “succeeded in breaking up, & destroying the establishment,” some of Claypool’s “men came in and surrendered themselves, and Gen’l. Claypole himself sent in a letter to Col. Benjamin Harrison asking for peace” going so far as to “willing to take up arms in favor of their own Country” to make amends. A Captain Johnson raised “a company from among the tories” which joined Lafayette’s army at the Battle of Spencer’s Ordinary near Williamsburg under Colonel Harrison. Still not committed to the cause though, “during the battle every one of his men left him, as well as officers, except his Lieutenant.”
After staying at Brake’s farm for five days, the pursuit continued “on top of the mountain between Claypole’s farm and Brake’s farm three men were overtaken by our Regiment who refused to surrender one of whom was killed and the other two made their escape.” Eventually, “The Torys gave themselves up, among whom were Mace, Claypole & Blake” near Berkeley Courthouse and were taken “to Romney Jail (so called) for trial” while the rest “sent in their arms, and promised to desist from further hostilities”. The whole affair “lasted about fifteen or twenty days” and the militiamen “were all permitted to return home and remain until we should again be called into service.”
The ringleaders were officially arraigned in Hampshire County court and were “adjudged to stand a further trial before a Special Court of Oyer and Terminer appointed to meet at the Court House on the 10th day of July last, but the gentlemen nominated as Judges by the Honorable Board failing to attend, the prosecution was postponed”
More than twenty-five petitioners appealed to newly elected Governor Thomas Nelson, Jr. for leniency, blaming “wicked emissaries or pretended emissaries of the British who travel through all parts of the frontiers and by misrepresentations and false news poisoned the minds of the ignorant and credulous settlers.” They further claimed that they “never concerted or conspired the destruction of Government or the hurt of any individual, further then to defend themselves when attacked or compelled to yield obedience” to the draft and taxes, before they were “made sensible of their error by the gentlemen from the adjacent counties who marched a body of men sufficient to have put all the disobedient and deluded crew to the sword, but, from motives of humanity and prudence attempted the more mild method of argument to dispel the delusion and bring them back to their duty”.
Nelson also received letters on Claypool’s behalf from Rockingham County clerk Peter Hog, based on “good policy, as well as humanity” who argued a pardon could entice those “denied to surrender themselves to Justice” to turn themselves in, but also they recognized that “the many relations & connexions that the Claypole Family have in that part of the Country: as there is the Father * sons, with many grand children, who by inter-marriages are connected with the most considerable Families…and to prosecute him with vigour, whilst the ringleaders have evaded Justice by flight, and those in similar circumstances of Guilt are pardoned, would probably sour the minds of his numerous connexions, and perhaps be regarded by them as pointed and partial.” Despite Hog’s “aversion to Tories”, witnessing “distressing Scenes of aged mothers, wives, & children crowding to the Court house to take the last Leave of their unhappy Sons, husbands & fathers, apprehending that Execution would be immediate…strongly affected my feelings” as well. Even Colonel van Meter wrote the governor hopes the Legislature may “incline to pass an act of indemnity for the whole of them.”
Benjamin Harrison replaced Nelson as governor in December 1781 and decided it “imprudent to grant a general pardon to the Insurgents” since “Too great Lenity may & most probably will bring the Government into Contempt and at last occasion its Overthrow.” and that Robert Smith of the “Six Ringleaders” should be sent immediately to the General Court in Richmond trial.
Still facing execution if found guilty of insurrection, Claypool appealed to Morgan to solicit the governor for “clemency and forgiveness”, convincing Morgan that he was “truly penitent” based on “his former character as well as of his conduct since his resignation to the Laws of his Country, which in both cases have been uniform and good.” In his letter to Harrison, Morgan remarked that Claypool’s “crimes are only similar to those men in Augusta county who opposed the laws and prevented the draught” leading him to conclude that though “I can truly say this is the first time I ever spoke in favour of a Tory, or ever wished their lives spared them – but Humanity as well as policy urges me to say something in favour of Clapool, and wish he may obtain forgiveness.”
Morgan saw a practical opportunity to use Claypool “to prevent another revolt, which the people of that place for many years will incline to, as they are ignorant of their duty, fond of changes and withal encouraged & favoured by the situation of the place They live in, which is composed of deep valies and inaccessible mountains, which serves to favour their escape when pursued.” A pardon would “be a means of bringing in numbers of our Lyers, who are afraid to come, for fear of being punished – numbers of deserters from the Army with them.”
The General Court found Robert Smith guilty and sentenced him to death, but was pardoned by a special act of the Virginia General Assembly in May 1782. On 7 June, Governor Harrison sent a letter to Hampshire County clerk Andrew Wodrow, to say “I send you pardons for four of the persons concerned in the late insurrection in the back country. There is no occasion for more as the noli prosequi secures the rest.” The case dropped against him, Claypool returned to Lost River in present day Hardy County, West Virginia until his death in 1823.
The AMC series Revolutionary War drama TURN is loosely based on the Culper Ring, a spy ring organized by Major Benjamin Tallmadge which operated primarily in New York, Long Island, and Connecticut. Episode 3 – “Of Cabbages and Kings” opens with Tallmadge and General Scott encountering a group of retreating soldiers and refugees. They confront one of the soldiers and ask what regiment he is from.
After the soldier avoids the question, Scott goes on to say “You’re 2d Virginia Regiment, you’re supposed to be at Fort Lee.”, to which the soldier replies with his account of the fall of Fort Washington and evacuation of Fort Lee.
While the entire series thus far has taken liberties with the historical timeline, none of the story in this brief scene as it relates to this soldier of the 2d Virginia Regiment has any basis in historical fact.
The 2d Virginia Regiment was not present at Fort Lee. In the summer of 1776, Congress called for Virginia to send reinforcements to the Main Army near New York. It may seem logical that the 1st and 2d Virginia Regiments would be sent, as they were most senior and the 2d had seen fighting at Great Bridge, that is not how it played out. Early in the war when the choice was between the politician Patrick Henry as colonel of the 1st Virginia Regiment and French and Indian War veteran William Woodford, the Committee of Safety gave preference to Woodford’s experience.
When Henry left military service to become governor and other capable officers came into their own however, Woodford’s abrasive personality became a detriment. The effects of Woodford’s demeanor became evident when General Andrew Lewis offered the “post of Honour” to the regiments to be sent north if their men reenlisted for three years. Captain George Johnston related what happened in his letter to Major Levin Powell dated 6 August 1776:
“D’r Sir: In obedience to Congress, two Regiments are ordered to N. York instantly. Gen’l Lewis, as a lure to the 1st and 2nd, directed that they should be re-enlisted for 3 years to seize the post of Honour as he terms it, hoping that the men’s well grounded Complaints would thus be hushed into peace. But Alas! human nature is not so easily smothered, and to Col. Woodford’s great mortification, the 1st almost to a man swallowed the bait, while his 2nd resisted his eloquent harangue at their head, and silently rejected the intended honour he proposed doing them by delaying his resignation that he might lead them on to the Field of Glory. They say that they will Col. Scott, but he is ordered to the 5th and I question much whether Col. W. will immediately resign, tho’ he is certain they will re enlist; twill be tried tomorrow.”
The 2d Virginia Regiment would remain in Virginia until January 1777, when it was finally sent north, passing through the Eastern Shore of Maryland to suppress “Insurgents in Somerset and Worcester Counties”, before joining the Main Army in New Jersey:
“War Office (Baltimore)
Feby 14th 1777
The 2d Virginia Regt now on Duty against the Insurgents in this State & the 7th Regt now in this Town, both whereof consist of about 600 Men fit for Duty, have orders to march to join Genl Washington but are directed to avoid Philadelphia on Acct of the Small Pox. The Board have directed me to inform you of their coming & that they are to halt in the Neighbourhood of the Town or proceed to Trenton if Safe & there wait until they are provided with Cloathes Arms & Accoutrements – Their Arms have been ordered after them, as they were left in Virginia under the direction of that State they may be otherwise applied. You will be pleased to order all Necessaries to be provided for them that they may hasten to Head Quarters in New Jersey where their assistance is apprehended is much wanted.” Papers of the Continental Congress, Item 147, vol. I, folio 67, NationalArchives, Record Group 360.
Charles Scott A post-war portrait, likely as major general in the Kentucky militia c. 1792-94
General Scott wasn’t a general yet.Charles Scott would certainly have recognized a soldier of the 2d Virginia Regiment if he met one. Early in the war, Scott was lieutenant colonel of the 2d Virginia Regiment in 1775 and saw action with it at the Battle of Great Bridge in December 1775. As mentioned in the above letter from Captain Johnston, the men of the 2d would have taken the offer to join the Main Army if under the command of Scott, but he had been promoted to command the 5th Virginia Regiment.
As colonel of the 5th (which saw service in the New York campaign along with the 1st, 3rd, 4th and 6th regiments,), Scott served with distinction during the “Forage War” following the Battle of Princeton in early 1777. He was promoted to Brigadier General in April 1777, commanding troops throughout the Philadelphia Campaign and a battalion of “picked men” at the Battle of Monmouth, before furloughed in 1778. He would come back to active duty to recruit troops to reinforce the Southern Army, joining the garrison at Charlestown just prior to its capture in May 1780. he would remain a prisoner of war until exchanged in July 1782.
2d Virginia Regiment September 1775-February 1777
The prescribed uniform of the 2d Virginia was not a brown coat faced red. Even if the 2d Virginia Regiment had been present at the evacuation of Fort Lee, it was not issued a brown coat faced red for its soldiers. In November 1777 the regiment was most likely still been wearing its purple hunting shirts and round hats as originally authorized in the fall of 1775. It wouldn’t be until it marched north that it would receive regimental coats made in Philadelphia by regimental tailors at the expense of Colonel Alexander Spotswood. These coats were short blue coats with “with white binding on the button holes.”
The only instance of a member of the 2d Virginia Regiment wearing brown faced red would come in late 1779 for its junior officers. In 1778 and again in 1779 the regiment received French-made blue regimental coats faced red with its officers wearing the same. There was not enough fine blue cloth for the officers however. Colonel Christian Febiger writes on November 30, 1779 that he was “extremely sorry the blue cloth did not hold out for all for all the officers.” and a month later the Virginia Public Store daybook records Ensign George Blackmore receiving “1 3/4 brown cloth, 1 1/2 light colored cloth, 3/16 yards scarlet, 3 yards shalloon, 3 yards course linen, 1 1/2 yards fine linen.” for his uniform.
“This battle was fought on the 28th June 1778, and my Regiment was in the latter part of the action.”
– John Hereford
Recreated 2d Virginia Regiment at Monmouth Battlefield State Park, 2008
In the summer of 1777, I enlisted under Lieutenant Erasmus Gill, a recruiting officer belonging to the Second Virginia Regiment, of Infantry of the line, on the Continental establishment, for the term of three years. I marched with the said officer, and under the command of Captain Marcus Calimar [Marquis Calmes], another recruiting officer of the same Regiment, with about one hundred recruits from Leesburg, and joined the American Army near Philadelphia.
I was annexed to Capt. Peyton Harrison’s Company in said Regiment, as Sergeant, and continued as such, during my service in the Regiment. In the winter of 1777-1778, the army took up their winter quarters at the Valley Forge. When the Spring Campaign opened we left our huts and lay in the plains below, on the Schuylkill, until the enemy left Philadelphia.
As soon as the news of their movement arrived in our Camp the whole American Army was put in motion and crossed the Delaware at [?] ferry, as well as my memory serves.
Orders were given to the troops to divest themselves of knap-sacks and blankets in order to go with as much expedition as possible on a fast march to [overtake] the enemy.
The day was [exceptionally] hot and as our march was through a dry, barren sandy coun-try destitute of water, many of our soldiers became exhausted, and fell by the way. Our Army passed through Mount Holley, an English town in the State of New Jersey. The principal action took place between the church and Monmouth Court House, where we [?] the retreating troops under Gen.l Charles Lee.
This battle was fought on the 28th June 1778, and my Regiment was in the latter part of the action. The division to which I belonged, formed near the church. The Re-giment in which I served, was then commanded by Col. Christian Febiger, an old swede, who told me he had been in thirty six actions in Europe and America.
The English having gained the heights of Monmouth, commenced a heavy fire from their artillery, which was returned by Col. Harrison of Virginia, commanding our artillery — We lay on the field of battle that night, and on the next day, buried the dead of both armies. The British having made their escape during the night, our army took up the line of March, for the heights of Brunswick, and lay their some time.
“He [Colonel Alexander Spotswood] commanded the second [Virginia] regiment, at the battle of Brandywine; and, it was said by a British writer, one Smith, that it was the only regiment that left the field of battle in good order.”
– Francis Brooke
The Battle of the Brandywine, was fought on September 11, 1777, in the area surrounding Chadds Ford, PA. The battle, which was a decisivevictory for the British, left Philadelphia, the revolutionary capital, undefended. The British captured the city on September 26, beginning an occupation that would last until June, 1778.
Edward G. Lengel explains the positioning of the Continental Army in his article, The Battle of Brandywine: “Washington concentrated the American defenses at Chad’s Ford, but also prepared to prevent possible British flanking movements to the south or north. Pyle’s Ford, an easily defensible crossing and the only practicable one south of Chad’s Ford, was covered by two brigades of Pennsylvania militia under Brigadier General John Armstrong. Nathaniel Greene’s 1st Division, composed of the 1st and 2d Virginia Brigades under Brigadier Generals Peter Muhlenberg and George Weedon, was entrusted with the primary defense of Chad’s Ford. Greene’s troops straddled the Nottingham road leading east from the Brandywine. To Greene’s right was Brigadier General Anthony Wayne’s 4th division containing two brigades of Pennsylvania Continentals. Colonel Thomas Procter’s Continental Artillery Regiment was placed on some heights commanding Chad’s Ford to Wayne’s right.” The 2d Virginia Regiment was assigned to Weedon’s Brigade of Greene’s Division.
Lengel further writes that “What remained of the three divisions fled a mile further east to Dilworthtown, just north of which place Greene’s division was forming up. Washington had dispatched Greene to this place after learning of the fall of Birmingham Hill, and he now arrived to supervise the positioning of Greene’s troops. By this time the 1st division was the last fresh American division on the field. Knyphausen had assaulted Wayne’s and Maxwell’s positions around Chad’s Ford at five o’clock, rapidly driving them back and capturing all of Procter’s guns. The position at Dilworthtown was therefore critical if the rest of the army (including Armstrong’s militia, which had not been engaged but was busy retreating eastward) was to be preserved.
That this position held until sundown was partly because of Washington’s careful positioning, at Sullivan’s suggestion, of Brigadier Generals Peter Muhlenberg’s and George Weedon’s brigades respectively on the front and flank of the British advance. As the Hessian grenadiers marched on Dilworthtown, Captain Johann Ewald [of the Hesse-Cassell Jaegers] wrote, they “received intense grapeshot and musketry fire which threw [the Germans] into disorder, but they recovered themselves quickly, deployed, and attacked the village.’
[General James] Agnew’s 4th Brigade…occupying at Ewald’s suggestion a hill on the flank, ‘ran into several American regiments’ of Weedon’s brigade [2d and 10th Virginia Regiments], preparing to fall upon the German’s flank. ‘At this point,’ Ewald wrote, ‘there was terrible firing, and half of the Englishmen and nearly all of the officers of these two regiments (they were the 46th and 64th Regiments of Foot) were slain.’ Fortunately for the British, an English artillery officer arrived opportunely with two six-pounders on Weedon’s flank, breaking up their attack. By this time it was growing dark and Greene’s men could follow their compatriots to Chester while the British remained in Dilworthtown, tending the wounded of both sides.”
Francis Brooke (who served as a lieutenant in the 1st Continental Artillery Regiment) recalls the service of his father-in-law Colonel Alexander Spotswood and the 2d Virginia Regiment at the Battle of Brandywine in his memoirs: “He commanded the second regiment, at the battle of Brandywine; and, it was said by a British writer, one Smith, that it was the only regiment that left the field of battle in good order.” This is corroborated by Captain John Peebles of the 42nd Regiment of Foot‘s grenadier company writes in his diary that the men of Weedon’s Brigade were “…the Enemy’s best troops…”
“In this stage of the action, the Virginians under lieutenant colonel Campbell, and the Marylanders under colonel Williams, were led on to a brisk charge, with trailed arms, through a heavy cannonade and shower of musket balls. Nothing could exceed the gallantry and firmness of both officers and soldiers on this occasion. They preserved their order, and pressed on with such unshaken resolution that they bore down all before them. The enemy were routed in all quarters.”
Major General Nathanael Greene
The Virginia Brigade would continue to dwindle and in July 1781, Huger relinquished command of the brigade to Colonel Richard Campbell and command of the 1st Virginia Regiment passed to Captain Thomas Edmunds. Command of the 2d Virginia Regiment had passed to Major Smith Snead in May 1781.
Their final battle would be at Eutaw Springs, another battle that went initially very well for the Americans but during which opportunity for a decisive victory was lost. Coming upon a camp of British troops under Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Stewart, Major General Nathanael Greene once again had “…second line consisted of three small brigades of continental troops…The Virginians consisted of two battalions, commanded by Major Snead and captain Edmonds, and the whole by lieutenant colonel Campbell, and posted to the centre.”
The Americans gained ground against the British with two successive pushes which were countered by British counterattacks until according to Lt. Colonel Henry “Light Horse Harry” Lee: “Greene, determining to strike a conclusive blow, brought up the Marylanders and Virginians; when our line became dense, and pressing forward with a shout the battle raged with redoubled fury.”
Greene’s army pressed their way into the British camp, and “In this stage of the action, the Virginians under lieutenant colonel Campbell, and the Marylanders under colonel Williams, were led on to a brisk charge, with trailed arms, through a heavy cannonade and shower of musket balls. Nothing could exceed the gallantry and firmness of both officers and soldiers on this occasion. They preserved their order, and pressed on with such unshaken resolution that they bore down all before them. The enemy were routed in all quarters.”
Lee writes that “The battle lasted upwards of three hours, and was fiercely contested, every corps in both armies bravely supporting each other.” The offensive stalled at the British camp as a detachment of British troops under Major John Marjorbanks fiercely defended an adjacent brick house which gave Stewart’s force an opportunity to regroup and counterattack again, driving the Americans from the camp. Once again Greene retreated in good order and the British were forced to consolidate their forces closer to Charleston.
Greene considered it a victory, thinking he was “…principally indebted for the victory we obtained to the free use of the bayonet made by the Virginians and Marylanders…”, however Lee characterized the battle by saying the “…loss was uncommonly great — more than one fifth of the British and one forth of the American army being killed or wounded, as stated in the official returns, which intelligent officers of both armies considered short of the real loss sustained…. Of six commandants of regiments bearing continental commissions, Williams and Lee were only unhurt.” Greene wrote Congress “…Lieutenant colonel Campbell fell as he was leading his troops to charge, and though he fell with distinguished manner [?] of honour, yet his loss is much to be regretted: he was the great soldier and the firm patriot.”
“I was brought to bed with a disappointment. Another [Bull’s Ferry] blockhouse affair. Madness! Mad Anthony, by God, I never knew such a piece of work heard of – about eight hundred troops opposed to five or six thousand veterans upon their own ground.”
Doctor Robert Wharry
In the summer of 1781, British General Lord Cornwallis occupied the city of Williamsburg for ten days, planning his next move. A British force had been in Virginia since January, having occupied Norfolk, burned Richmond, scuttled the Virginia State Navy on the Chickahominy River, and defeated a force of Virginia militia at Petersburg before Cornwallis had even entered Virginia from North Carolina. The British campaign in Virginia continued, with Crown forces destroying supplies at Point of Fork (modern day Columbia), and skirmished with American forces just days before entering the former capitol sixteen miles from Williamsburg at a place called Spencer’s Ordinary.
Lieutenant General Charles Cornwallis by Thomas Gainsborough
Cornwallis was looking for a base of operations in Virginia, where the Royal Navy could resupply him easily and receive reinforcements from General Clinton in New York. At the same time, he had to contend with a combined force of Continentals and Virginia militia under the command of General Lafayette, who had been in Virginia since April. For the time being, until a suitable base of operations could be found, Cornwallis decided to retire to Portsmouth, and to do so, cross the James River at the northwest tip of James Island – an area known as Green Spring, named after the 17th century plantation of Governor Berkeley. With the British crossing the river, Lafayette saw an opportunity to strike Cornwallis and have a reasonable chance of defeating at least part of his army. His plan was to allow a portion of the British army to cross the river and then attack the remaining force. Cornwallis however saw an opportunity for a trap. Realizing Lafayette may capitalize on the opportunity to strike, Cornwallis sent only his baggage across the river, to be protected by the Queen’s Rangers and the North Carolina Volunteers. He positioned the rest of his army in a wooded area and in a deep valley, masqued from Lafayette’s view, which would spring on the young Frenchman when he moved his forces in.
Marquis de Lafayette by Charles Willson Peale
The battle occurred on July 6, 1781. Lafayette had moved cautiously from his encampment at New Kent Courthouse the previous day and marched to Bird’s Tavern, some sixteen miles from Williamsburg, with the Continentals continuing to Chickahominy Church, or Norrell’s Mills, eight miles from Jamestown, where they slept in the open, lying on their arms throughout the night. On the morning of the 6th, further intelligence came in to confirm that Cornwallis was moving his army across the James and that only the rear guard remained on the Jamestown side. Lafayette then sent General “Mad Anthony” Wayne with five hundred men including the 1st Pennsylvania Regiment under Colonel Walter Stewart, along with an advance guard of light infantry under Major Galvan, Virginia rifle companies under the command of Majors Richard Call and John Willis, and a volunteer company commanded by Lt. Colonel John Mercer. Wayne’s force marched to within half a mile of the British pickets, and Mercer had been told by a local slave that both Cornwallis and Colonel Bannistre Tarleton were still on the north side of the river. Lafayette, who had accompanied Wayne in his advance, sent back for the 2nd and 3rd Pennsylvania Regiments and the remaining light infantry, who were still six miles back at Norrell’s Mills. The Virginia Continentals and Militia were held in reserve, twelve miles to the rear at Bird’s Tavern. The British camp was positioned on the banks of the James and Cornwallis was doing everything he could to convince Lafayette that this was just the rear guard. Wayne’s advanced guards exchanged musket fire with British pickets throughout the afternoon and a patrol comprised of the British Legion were driven back along a road which cut through the marshy area around the river bank. Late into the afternoon the two sides continued to skirmish, Wayne waiting until his reinforcements arrived, Cornwallis waiting until the Continentals committed to a general action.
Anthony Wayne by James Sharples, Sr.
Wayne’s entire advance force began to cross the morass, with the rifle companies and light infantry keeping up a steady fire along the front, supported by McPherson’s light cavalry which was comprised of Armad’s Legion and the 1st Continental Light Dragoons, with Colonel Stewart and his Pennsylvanians held in reserve. Tarleton’s pickets continued to fall back, attempting to give Wayne the impression they were unsupported and fighting a delaying action. When the British reached a wood line, they held, under orders to conceal the main army that was directly behind them. Wayne had no idea how close he was to Cornwallis and the main British force. The 2nd and 3rd Pennsylvania Regiments under Colonels Butler and Hampton as well as Continental artillery soon arrived, along with several battalions of light infantry. The Pennsylvanians and Gimat’s battalion of light infantry joined with Wayne’s advance guard. Two other battalions of light infantry, Vose’s and Barbers, formed a line behind Wayne as a reserve. Lafayette himself decided to ride forward along the river bank and saw that Cornwallis was presenting a rouse. He rode back to order Wayne to withdraw, but it was too late. Cornwallis ordered his main force to join the action. The ensuing battle is known today as the battle of Green Spring. It is fortunate that several detailed first-hand accounts of the battle survive. Several of these accounts are presented below. The scope of the action was such that it could be comprehended fairly well by many of the participants, so the accounts corroborate each other nicely. Of particular interest are the comments on the types of tactics used by the opposing forces.
“Map of the left bank of the James River, and the Battle of Green Spring, the campaign in Virginia, prior to Yorktown.” by Jean Nicholas Desandroüins
Video from 225th Reenactment of the Battle of Green Spring
Primary Sources
Ensign Ebenezer Denny, 7th Pennsylvania Regiment
Our advance drove in the enemy’s pickets marching at this time by companies, in open order… When perhaps within one hundred and fifty yards of the enemy, we closed column and displayed; advanced in battalion until the firing commenced, and ran along the whole line. A regiment or more of the light infantry and three pieces of artillery were in the line. Saw the British light infantry, distinctly, advancing at arms‑length distance, and their second line in close order, with shouldered musket, just in front of their camp ‑ their infantry only engaged. The main body were discovered filing off to the right and left, when orders were given us to retreat… The company were almost all old soldiers. Kept compact and close to our leading company, and continued running until out of reach of the fire. The enemy advanced no farther than to the ground we left. We could not have been engaged longer than about three or four minutes, but at the distance of sixty yards only… About a fortnight after the action, visited the field; could trace plainly the ground occupied by both, from the tops of the cartridges which lay in a line; the distance about sixty paces. “The Military Journal of Ebenezer Denny.” Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Vol. VII, 1860
Lt. Francis Brooke, 1st Continental Artillery
I was attached to Gen Lawson’s brigade, with one six-pounder, and had some opportunity to know the whole force of the American army. It consisted of eight thousand militia, Stephen’s and Lawson’s brigades; of one thousands light infantry, New England troops, brought on by the Marquis (fine troops they were;) the Pennsylvania line, as it was called, between six and seven hundred men, commanded by Gen. Wayne, with a good train of artillery; one thousand Riflemen under Gen. Campbell, of King’s Mountain, and part of the regiment of Virginia Continental troops, under Colonel Febiger, a Dane; a vidette corps of dragoons, under Captain Larkin Smith; and a single company of Harrison’s regiment of artillery to which I belonged; there were some additional militia, under Major Willis. The British army was more efficient; seven thousand infantry, who had fought the battles of the South; Tarleton’s and Simcoe’s full regiments of cavalry, and a fine train of artillery. These were all troops that could not be easily driven out of a field of battle. The Marquis, in a few days, marched to the Cross‑roads and the Burnt Ordinary, sixteen miles from Williamsburg. (The skirmish at Hot Water, by Col. Butler, of the Pennsylvania line and Major John Willis, with some Virginia militia, had occurred a few days before.) While the army lay on this ground, Lord Cornwallis marched from Williamsburg to Green Spring, or Jamestown. The morning of that battle, Major Geo. Washington, an old schoolmate, the second aid to the Marquis, was at our quarters, and was asked if the Marquis knew where Lord Cornwallis was, and whether he had crossed the river. His reply was, that Gen. Wayne had been sent on that morning to find out where he was. Tarleton, in his journal, says, that one or two days before, he had bribed a white man and a Negro to go out, and, if they met with any American detachments, to inform them that the British army, except a small portion of it, had crossed the river. It was this Negro who fell in with Gen. Wayne, who, on his report, marched down and attacked the whole British army. Tarleton is wrong in supposing that the Marquis intended to bring on a general engagement; on the contrary, at 12 o’clock, when he learned that Wayne was in some danger, he ordered Col. Galvan, who belonged to the light infantry, to run down with only one hundred men to his relief, while he, with Capt. John F. Mercer’s troop of horse, who had lately joined, and some militia riflemen, followed to support him. The Marquis certainly had no idea of a general battle, as the rest of the army remained quietly in their encampment the whole of the day. General Wayne brought on the battle; relying on the intelligence the Negro gave him, whom Tarleton had bribed; for which his troops suffered very much. He, as Tarleton says, attacked the whole British army, and got off only by the Lord Cornwallis supposing that a general action was intended by the Marquis, and taking time to prepare for it. Wayne not only lost his artillery, but had, I think, eleven officers badly wounded, whom I saw the next morning under the hands of the Surgeon, at the church, in the rear of our encampment. I think it is very certain that the Marquis, at this time, intended no general battle; nor Lord Cornwallis either. His object was to cross the river and fall down to Portsmouth, that he might send the reinforcement required of him by Gen. Clinton, who apprehended an attack by Gen. Washington, and the Count Rochambeau, who was hourly expected to arrive with French troops from the West Indies. A Family Narrative Being the Reminiscences of a Revolutionary Officer Afterwards Judge of the Court of Appeals Written for the Information of his Children by Francis J. Brooke Sometime Captain in Harrison’s Regiment of Artillery. Richmond: Macfarland & Ferguson, 1849.
Continental Officer Artwork by Don Troiani
Lt. William Feltman, Pennsylvania Continentals
At sunrise we took up the line of march for Jamestown at which place the enemy lay encamped. The first battalion of our Line (the Pennsylvanians) was detached with a small party of riflemen, which brought on a scattering fire in the front and on the flanks of our battalion (the first) that continued two or three hours, between our riflemen and their Yeagers. Our battalion (the first) was then ordered to close column and advance, when we had information the 2nd and 3rd battalions with one of [light] infantry were in sight of us. We then formed again, displayed to the right and left, the 3rd battalion on our right, and the 2nd on our left; being then formed, brought on a general engagement, our advance regular at a charge, till we got within eighty yards of their whole army, they being regularly formed, standing one yard distance from each other, their Light Infantry being in front of our battalion. We advanced under a heavy fire of grape‑shot, at which distance we opened our musketry. Then I received a wound with a canister shot in my left breast, but did not retreat until the whole of us retreated, which was very rapidly. Journal of Lieut. William Feltman, of the First Pennsylvania Regiment, 1781‑82. Including the March into Virginia and the Siege of Yorktown. Philadelphia: 1853.
Marched at 7 o’clock, and passing through hot warter, halted in a field about three miles from the British encampment at James Town. Our men being much tired and fatigued, and having had nothing to eat for more than 24 hours, the L[ight]. Infantry moved back 3 miles for the purpose of cooking. By this manoeuvre we left the Pennsylvania troops in our front to watch the motions of the enemy. General Wayne being anxious to perform wonders! (about 5 o’clk) with his 3 Regiments & some small detachments, the whole consisting of about 1,000 men, attacked the whole British army in their own encampment. We immediately marched to reinforce him; but before we could reach the field of action, met the Pennsylvania line retreating in the greatest disorder (having been overpowered by numbers, and left their artillery). We marched past the disordered troops, and formed a line of battle in a field near the green Springs. The day being spent, the enemy stopped their pursuit. About 9 o’clk we began our march again, & retired to the Church we left in the morning, where we arrived about midnight, much tired and fatigued. “Journal of Ebenezer Wild,” Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 2d ser., 6 (1891).
Captain Benjamin Bartholomew, 5th Pennsylvania Regiment
March’d at 8 Oclock A.M. 5 miles, there halted half an hour, were order’d to retire a miles to Mr. Lee’s farm, there lay untill 4 Oclock P.M. (some detach’d parts of the army with Col. Stuarts [Colonel Walter Stewart, 2nd Pennsylvania Regiment] Battation had movd down to the green Springs in the morning and drove in the enemies picquets [pickets] when we were ordered to advan[ce] to where the light parties were skirmishing with the enemy near Green spring seat we arrived about one hour before sun set with our two Battalions and one of Infantry commanded by Lt Col Jimot, [Lt. Colonel Gimat, of the light infantry] the line was formed and ordered to advance, in a few minutes a Smart firing commenc’d from from both parties, ours kept their post untill the[y] had fired four round. the enemies whole army being drawn up to oppose our four Battalions, there line being so very extensive & nearly surrounding us, we retreated across the morass, where the other two Battalion of Infantry were form’d to cover our retreat, our artilery horses being nearly all kill’d or wounded, we were Obliged to abandon our two pieces of artilery which fell into the enemies hands, we had ten officers wounded one of which was left on the field we had 5 Sergs. 64 men wounded our loss kill’d was 3 Sergs. 19 R[and & File] & Nine missing we retired to Chickeyhomeny Church, arrived at 11 Oclock at night, this day & Night march 16 miles. Marching to Victory: Capt. Benjamin Bartholomew’s Diary of the Yorktown Campaign, May 1781 to March 1782. E. Lee Shepard, ed. Richmond: Virginia Historical Society, 2002.
Colonel John Mercer, Virginia Militia
At the distance of about 300 yards in the rear of where we had been engaged, I found Gen’l. Wayne’s Brigade drawn up across the road & thro’ the wood to the right. I staid with them until they were defeated. We had just begun to assume the stiff German tactics, as the British acquir’d the good sense, from experience in our woody country, to lay it aside. Gen’l. Wayne’s Brigade were drawn up in such close order as to render it utterly impracticable to advance in line & preserve their order ‑ the line was necessarily broke by the trees as they pass’d the wood. The British advanc’d in open order at arm’s length & aiming very low kept up a deadly fire. In this situation Gen’l. Wayne gave repeated orders for the line to charge, but this operation was really impossible from the manner in which they were form’d & they cou’d not be pushed forward; notwithstanding his own bravery & the ardor of an admirable corps of field officers, who gave them the best examples, the destruction amongst them was very great, whilst the effect of their own fire, from the causes already explain’d, was I believe very trifling… Gaillard Hunt, Fragments of Revolutionary History. Being hitherto unpublished writings of the men of the American Revolution … Brooklyn, NY, 1892, p. 50-51, letter of Colonel John Francis Mercer, probably written between 1809 and 1817.
Doctor Robert Wharry
I was brought to bed with a disappointment. Another [Bull’s Ferry] blockhouse affair. Madness! Mad Anthony, by God, I never knew such a piece of work heard of – about eight hundred troops opposed to five or six thousand veterans upon their own ground.
General George Washington, Commander-in-Chief, Continental Army
My dear Marquis: I have had the pleasure of receiving your favours of the 8th. and 20th. instants. The first relieved me from much anxiety, as I had seen Mr. Rivingtons account of the action at Green Spring, which you may suppose was highly coloured in their favor. I find by your last that neither my letter of the 29th. of June, or that of the 13th. instant had reached you. I cannot tell the dates of those previous as I have but few papers with me. I will confess to you that I have written much seldomer than I wished to do, but it has been owing to the very great danger to which dispatches were exposed while Lord Cornwallis was in possession of the Country. You ask my opinion of the Virginia Campaign? Be assured, my dear Marquis, your Conduct meets my warmest approbation, as it must that of every body. Should it ever be said that my attachment to you betrayed me into partiality, you have only to appeal to facts to refute any such charge: but I trust there will be no occasion. I very much approve of your intention of reinforcing General Greene as soon as circumstances will admit and as strongly as possible. If he can only maintain the advantages he has already gained in the Carolinas and Georgia the British Ministry will make a very different figure in the political scene, to what it is plain they expected from Lord George Germaine’s letters of March last. I refer you to my private letter, which accompanies this, and am, with the tenderest Regard, etc. P.S. The Maps you mention have not come to hand. Your servant may perhaps have them. He did not come himself to Head Quarters. The Letters were received from an Express. Washington to Lafayette, 30 July 1781. George Washington Papers, Presidential Papers Microfilm (Washington, DC, 1961), series 4.
Extract of a letter from an officer of rank in the American army, dated July 11th, 1781
The British officers, we were informed, are much displeased at the issue, and acknowledged they were out-generalled; otherwise they must have cut to pieces our small detachment, aided as they were by five hundred horse, and considerable body of infantry, mounted. We could not possibly have extricated ourselves from the difficulties we were in, but by the manoeuvre we adopted, which, though it may have the appearance of temerity to those unacquainted with circumstances, yet was founded on the truest of military principles, and was one of those necessary, though daring, measures, which seldom fail of producing the desired effect, that is, confusing the enemy, and opening a way to retreat in sight of a much superior army. Banastre Tarleton. A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781, in the Southern Provinces of North America. London, 1787, p. 401-402.
Return of the killed wounded and missing of the detachment commanded by General Wayne in a skirmish with the British army near the Greene springs, in Virginia, July 6th 1781
Major Galvans advanced guard: 4 rank and file killed; 1 sergeant, 7 R & F wounded. Col. Stewarts Detacht. Pennsylvania: 11 rank and file killed; 2 captains, 3 lieutenants, 4 sergeants, 30 R&F wounded. Col. Butler’s Pennsylvania detachment: 2 sergeants, 4 rank and file killed; 15 R&F wounded; 9 R&F missing. Col. Humpton’s Pennsylvania detachment: 1 sergeant, 4 rank and file killed; 3 captains, 1 lieutenant, 1 sergeants, 19 R&F wounded. Majr. Willis’s light infantry detachment: 1 sergeant, 1 rank and file killed; 7 R & F wounded. Capn. Ogdens Co. or Macphersons Legion: 2 rank and file wounded Capn. Savage & Duffys artillery: 1 captainlieutenant, 1 sergeant, 2 rank and file wounded; 3 R&F missing. Total casualties: 4 sergeants, 24 rank and file killed; 5 captains, 1 captain‑lieutenant, 4 lieutenants, 7 sergeants, 82 rank and file wounded; 12 rank and file missing. N.B. A few rifle men were wounded, the number not ascertained Names of the officers wounded Captains McLean Division Inspector Doyle Finney Montgomery Stake McClellan Lieutenants Peircy Feltman White Herbert “taken prisoner” Capt.‑lieutenant Crosly of artillery Wm. Barber Major and D A Genl. The Papers of the Continental Congress 1774-1789, National Archives Microfilm Publications M247 (Washington, DC, 1958), reel 176, p. 173.
Lieutenant-Colonel Banastre Tarleton by Sir Joshua Reynolds
Colonel Bannistre Tarleton
Earl Cornwallis, judging the call for troops positive and pressing, and that his command, after such a diminution, would not be adequate to maintain his present position, determined instantly to leave Williamsburgh, and retire to Portsmouth; whence he might send the troops specified in the requisition of New York: For the execution of this project, it was necessary to cross James river; and James island presented the most convenient situation to secure an unmolested passage to Cobham. The navy, under the direction of Captain Aplin, being prepared for such an undertaking, on the 4th of July the royal army marched by the left, and arrived the same day in the neighbourhood of James island, which is separated from the main land by a small gut of water, not two feet deep at the reflux of the tide. The advanced guard, under Lieutenant‑colonel Simcoe, passed to the island, and from thence to Cobham in the evening. The legion cavalry and two companies of mounted infantry were directed to cover the right flank and rear of the British column during the march: Lieutenant‑colonel Tarleton moved to a church, eighteen miles from Williamsburgh, which he understood was fortified and garrisoned by the riflemen who lay in front of the American army: By surprise he got within the abbatis, the church yard, and the church, and dislodged the enemy with some loss: He afterwards proceeded towards Tyre’s plantation, when, under the advantage of a heavy rain, he drove in the pickets, and communicated a general alarm to the Marquis de la Fayette’s corps. In the mean while, the British army reached their encampment near James island, to which place the cavalry slowly retired. The position occupied by the King’s troops was equally strong and convenient; the right was covered by ponds, the center and left by morasses, over which a few narrow causeways connected it with the country, and James island lay in rear. On the 5th, the stores and wheel carriages began to pass, which employment would continue till the 7th, when it was imagined the boats would be ready for the troops. On the morning of the 6th, the foragers from the cavalry were ordered to the front, who reported that the enemy were advancing. Lieutenant‑colonel Tarleton, after the party returned, gave money and encouraging promises to a negroe and a dragoon, to communicate false intelligence, under the appearance of deserters. These emissaries were directed to inform the Americans, that the British legion, with a detachment of infantry, composed the rear guard, the body of the King’s troops having passed James river. In the afternoon, a patrole of cavalry was beat back over one of the causeways on the left, and Lieutenant Grier, who commanded it, was wounded. Soon after, the American riflemen insulted the outposts, whilst a body of continentals advanced towards the morass: The British cavalry supported the pickets on the left, in order to contain the enemy within the woods, and prevent their viewing the main army: Earl Cornwallis directed Lieutenant‑colonel Tarleton to continue this manoeuvre, and he ordered the battalions and regiments to remain quiet in their camp, where they were concealed from observation. Before sunset, the Marquis de la Fayette had passed the morass on the left, with about six hundred militia, nine hundred continentals, and some cannon; bodies of riflemen attacked other pickets; and the remainder of the American force tool post at a brick house, beyond the wood and the causeway. Upon the first cannon shot from the enemy, the British army formed and advanced, when the dragoons fell back through the intervals made for them by the infantry Lieutentant‑Colonel Dundas’s brigade composed of the 43d, 76th and 80th regiments, with two six‑pounders, under Captain Fage, sustained the weight of the enemy’s attack. The conflict in this quarter was severe and well contested. The artillery and infantry of each army, the presence of their respective generals, were for some minutes warmly engaged not fifty yards asunder. The other part of the line, consisting of the two battalions of light infantry, Lieutenant‑colonel Yorke’s brigade, (Late Webster’s) the brigade of guards, and the Hessians, met with little or no resistance, being opposed by only by small parties of militia, who made a precipitate retreat: But on the left of the British, the action was for some time gallantly maintained by the continental infantry, under General Wayne, against the 76th, 80th, and 43d. The legion cavalry formed a second line behind the 80th, and the light companies, under Captain Champagne, dismounted to reinforce the 76th . The affair was not ended before dark, when the enemy abandoned their cannon, and repassed the swamp in confusion. The woods, the morasses, and the obscurity of night, prevented the pursuit of the cavalry. The Marquis de la Fayette rallied part of the Americans to the troops posted beyond the swamp, and halted some hours at the Green Springs, to collect the fugitives. Earl Cornwallis returned to his encampment. The King’s troops had five officers wounded, and about seventy men killed and wounded. The steadiness of the new regiments, who bore the brunt of the action, did honour to those corps; and the conduct of Lieutenant‑colonel Dundas, who commanded them, was highly animated and meritorious. On the part of the Americans, near three hundred continentals and militia were killed, wounded, and taken. The events of this day were particularly important, and claimed more attention than they obtained. The Marquis de la Fayette had made a long march, in very sultry weather, with about fifteen hundred continentals and one thousand militia, to strike at the rear of the British before they passed to James island: Too great ardour, or false intelligence, which is most probably, for it is the only instance of this officer committing himself during a very difficult campaign, prompted him to cross a morass to attack Earl Cornwallis, who routed him, took his cannon, and must inevitably have destroyed his army, if night had not intervened. His lordship might certainly have derived more advantage from his victory. If the two battalions of light infantry, the guards, and Colonel Yorke’s brigade, who had all been slightly engaged, or any other corps, and the cavalry, had been detached, without knapsacks, before dawn of day, to pursue the Americans, and push them to the utmost, the army of the Marquis de la Fayette must have been annihilated. Such an exploit would have been easy, fortunate, and glorious, and would have prevented the combination which produced the fall of York town and Gloucester. Banastre Tarleton. op. cit., p. 352-356.
Captain Samuel Graham, 76th Regiment of Foot
A few days afterwards his lordship, wishing to approach the shipping at Portsmouth, had occasion to cross the James river to Cobham, and having made choice of James City Point as a proper place for crossing, he apprised the naval authorities of his intention, and our baggage, bat horses, and the Queen’s Rangers, crossed over on the 5th July. The rest of the army still remained at James City. La Fayette, with Wayne’s brigade, was completely deceived respecting the movement, and supposing that all the army had crossed over except the rear guard, came down to James City on the 6th, moving by a narrow road across the Green Springs, leading to a spot of cleared ground on the bank of the river which was immediately in front of Col. Dundas’s brigade. The British army was drawn up in two lines, the brigade of Col. Dundas forming the left of the front line, the light infantry the right; the Guards, 23d, 33d, and Hessians formed the second line. The picquet guard of Col. Dundas’s brigade, consisting of men of the 76th regiment, commanded by Lieut. Balneaves, an officer of the 80th regiment, was ordered to resist as long as possible, which they did for a length of time. The lieutenant was killed, and Lt. Alston of th esame regiment, having taken the command, was severely wounded, and after him Ensign Wemyss of the 76th was also wounded, when the picquet received orders to retire; and the enemy, advancing with great boldness, having a six-pounder on each flank, fronted when the head of the column reached the bank, and advancing in line on the open ground, fired their field pieces. The troops were then ordered to their arms, and the 76th, under the orders of the Hon. Major Needham, the 80th under Maj. Gordon, and two companies of the 43d under Capt. Cameron (the rest of that regiment being in the wood), advanced under their gallant brigadier, Lieut.-Col. Dundas. The enemy kept a good countenance for a short time, returning our fire from their field-pieces and muskets, but the noble Earl coming in the rear of the 76th, called out to charge, which order not being heard on account of the noise, he made a motion with his cane, touching a Highlander on the shoulder, which being repeated, they rushed on most rapidly. The 80th in the centre still continuing to fire, Major Gordon, mounted on a very tall horse, dashed out in front and stopped them, when several Edinburgh men of this regiment were heard to cry out, “Brigadier! Will you no luk at the Major, we canna get shooting for him; he’s aye runnin’ in the gate.” A general charge took place, which soon put an end to the combat. The enemy disappeared in an instant, as if removed by magic, abandoning their field-pieces and their wounded. Opposite to our left, where my post was, the enemy left a six-pounder loaded with grapeshot. The noble lord in his dispatch is pleased to make use of these words – “but the 76th and 80th, on whom the brunt of the action fell, had an opportunity of distinguishing themselves particularly, and Lt. Col. Dundas’s gallantry and good conduct deserve the highest praise.” Thus fortune in her folics seemed to render these two corps somewhat worthy of their companions in arms, but all were soon destined to taste of her frowns. The enemy’s loss was considerable, particularly in wounded, many of whom, I afterwards ascertained from their officers, were wounded in the lower extremities, a proof that the young soldiers had taken good aim. The army crossed the river unmolested, next day proceeding towards Portsmouth. “An English Officer’s Account of his Services in America ‑ 1779‑1781. Memoirs of Lt.‑General Samuel Graham.” Historical Magazine, September 1865, p. 70.
British 33rd Regiment of Foot as they appeared during the Southern campaign of 1780-81. Artwork by Don Troiani, http://www.historicalartprints.com
Earl Cornwallis to Sir Henry Clinton, K. B. dated Cobham, July 8, 1781
I was this morning honoured with your dispatch of the 28th ult. The troops are perfectly ready, and will proceed to Portsmouth to wait the arrival of the transports. I will give immediate orders about the artillery, stores, &c. The transports now at Portsmouth are sufficient to carry the light infantry; I had prepared them to receive that corps, and should have sent them to you in a few days, if your last order had not arrived. In your cyphered dispatch, the 2d battalion of light infantry only is mentioned; but I conclude that to be a mistake, and shall keep both ready to embark. I take for granted that General Robinson will come with the transports to take command of the expedition. General Leslie is still here; but as it was not my intention to have send him with the troops to New York, and as he will be the properest person to command here, in case you should approve of my returning to Charles town, I shall not send him on the expedition, unless it shall then appear to be your excellency’s desire that he should accompany General Robinson. I must again take the liberty of calling your excellency’s serious attention to the question of the utility of a defensive post in this country, which cannot have the smallest influence on the war in Carolina, and which only gives us some acres of an unhealthy swamp, and is for ever liable to become a prey to a foreign enemy, with a temporary superiority at sea. Desultory expeditions in the Chesepeak may be undertaken from New York with as much ease and more safety, whenever there is a reason to suppose that our naval force is likely to superior for two or three months. The boats and naval assistance having been sent to me by Captain Hudson, I marched on the 4th from Williamsburgh to a camp which covered a ford into the island of James town. The Queen’s rangers passed the river that evening. On the 5th, I sent over all the wheel carriages, and on the 6th, the bat horses, and baggage of every kind, intending to pass with the army on the 7th. About noon, on the 6th, information was brought me of the approach of the enemy, and about four in the afternoon a large body attacked our out posts. Concluding that the enemy would not bring a considerable force within our reach, unless they supposed that nothing was left but a rear guard, I took every means to convince them of my weakness, and suffered my pickets to be insulted and driven back; nothing, however appeared to us but riflemen and militia till near sunset, when a body of continentals, with artillery, began to form in the front of our camp. I then put the troops under arms, and ordered the army to advance in two lines. The attack was began by the first line with great spirit. There being nothing but militia opposed to the light infantry, the action was soon over on the right: But Lieutenant‑colonel Dundas’ brigade, consisting of the 43d, 76th, and 80th regiments, which formed the left wing, meeting the Pennsylvania line, and a detachment of the Marquis de la Fayette’s continentals, with two six‑pounders, a smart action ensued for some minutes, when the enemy gave way and abandoned their cannon. The cavalry were perfectly ready to pursue; but the darkness of the evening prevented my being able to make use of them. I cannot sufficiently commend the spirit and good behaviour of the officers and soldiers of the whole army; but the 76th and 80th regiments, on whom the brunt of the action fell, had an opportunity of distinguishing themselves particularly, and Lieutenant colonel Dundas’ conduct and gallantry deserve the highest praise. The force of the enemy in the field was about two thousand, and their loss, I believe, between two and three hundred. Half an hour more of daylight would have probably given us the greatest part of the corps. I have enclosed a list of our killed and wounded. We finished our passage yesterday, which has been an operation of great labour and difficulty, as the river is three miles wide a this place. I have great obligations to Captain Aplin and the officers of the navy and seamen for their great exertions and attentions on this occasion. Banastre Tarleton. op. cit., p. 399-401.
Letter from An Officer in the 76th regiment
From the 14th April to the 15th instant, we have travelled about 250 miles by water, and about 500 by land, in this province, going backwards and forwards, in order to bring the rebels to action, but to no purpose, except destroying 6000 hogsheads of tobacco, a vast quantity of military and other stores, a loss which cannot be retrieved for some years. Lord Cornwallis having orders to send a great part of the army to New York, marched from Williamsburg to James’s City Island, and on the 4th and 5th instant, crossed over the whole baggage of the army to Cobham, the opposite side of James’s River. The Queen’s Rangers went over as a guard. The rest of the army waited at Jame’s City Island, ready to cross the next day, but the rebels imagining the whole had crossed except three or four hundred and a few cavalry, marched down their whole force under the command of the Marquis de la Fayette and General Wayne, to attack this supposed handful of men. They first began by attacking a small piquet consisting of 20 Highlanders of the 76th, commanded by Lieutenant Balvaird of the 80th, who being early wounded, Lieutenant Alston of the same regiment, who was accidentally there, took the command of the piquet, he was also wounded. Lieut. Wemys, who was acting as adjutant to the 76th, being sent on a message to the piquet, seeing Alston wounded, dismounted and gave him his horse, drew his sword, and took the command of the piquet. He had hardly had it two minutes when he was wounded; and though the half of the men were by this time killed or wounded, the rest of the brave Highlanders kept their ground, (though opposed by ten times their number), till ordered in by Lord Cornwallis, but not before they had expended about 50 rounds each man. The piquet was engaged nearly two hours, Lord Cornwallis would have reinforced it, but did not chuse to show his strength, wishing to bring the rebels out of the woods: his calling in the piquet had the desired effect; for the rebels, who were still undeceived as to our numbers, advanced into a plain field, and proceeded some way. Mean time Lord Conwallis had his whole army drawn up into two different lines. On seeing the rebels advance, he ordered Col. Dundas’s brigade, consisting of about 250 men of the 76th, as many of the 80th, and 100 of the 43rd to attack, which they did briskly; and after reciprocal vollies passed, we charged them with bayonets and put them instantly to flight. After pusuing them above a mile and a half, night becoming dark, and a thick brush wood, favoured their escape. We took two field pieces, (one of them taken from Gen. Burgoyne at Saratoga.) About 60 of the rebels were found killed, and a number wounded; besides several prisoners taken. A number of deserters came in, by whom we are informed that above 2500 of the continentals, chiefly consisting of the rifle‑men and light infantry, were opposed to us in the action; besides 3000 militia as a corps de reserve, which were not engaged. None of the British were engaged except Col. Dundas’s brigade, as above, and latterly a few of the light infantry and Hessians. The 76th had killed Mr. Lewis Macdonald, a volunteer of my company, who fell by my side, and six privates; and wounded, three officers, and 23 rank and file. The officers are, Lieut. Wemys, Lieut. Donald Macdonald, and Ensign C. Macdonald. The 80th had three officers wounded, two of whom since died, and 27 rank and file:42nd one killed. The light infantry and Hessians a few wounded. Except the action at Petersburgh, this was the first day the 76th and 80th were tried. It would not become me to pass any encomium upon them, the compliment paid them by Lord Cornwallis, in next day’s orders, far surpass any thing that I can say. Extract of a letter from an officer in the 76th regiment, dated on board the Lord Mulgrave transport, Hampton Road, Virginia, July 23. Caledonian Mercury, Oct 10th, 1781.
Return of the Killed, Wounded, & Missing, of the Troops under the Command of Lieutenant General Earl Cornwallis in the Action of the 6th July 81
Brigade of Lt. Infantry: 2 Rank & File Killed; 7 Rank & File Wounded; 9 Total. 43d Regt.: 2 Rank & File Killed; 1 Rank & File Wounded; 3 Total. 76th Regt.: 6 Rank & File Killed; 2 Lieutenants, 1 Ensign, 2 Drummers, 22 Rank & File Wounded; 1 Rank & File Missing; 34 Total. 80th Regt.: 1 Rank & File Killed; I Captain, 2 Lieutenants, 26 Rank & File Wounded; 30 Total. B. Legion Cavalry: I Lieutenant, I Serjeant Wounded; 2 Total. Horses‑ 2 Killed, 5 Wounded. Total: 11 Rank & File Killed; 1 Captain, 5 Lieutenants, 1 Ensign, 1 Serjeant, 2 Drummers, 56 Rank & File Wounded; I Rank & File Missing; 78 Total. Horses‑ 2 Killed, 5 Wounded. Officers Names 76th Lieut. Donald McDonald Wounded Lieut. Willm. Wemyss Do Ensn. Colin McDonald Do 80th Capt. Cumming Do Lieut. Alston Do Lieut. Belvavid Do Since dead B. Legion Lieut. Grier do Volunteer Fitzgerald Lt. Infantry do N:B: Regt. of Bose 2 Serjts., 3 Rank & file wounded, omitted in the former Return. J. Despard Dep. Adj. Gen. University of Michigan, William L. Clements Library, Sir Henry Clinton Papers, Volume 162, item 39
External Articles
“Their presence Here … Has Saved this State …” Continental Provisional Battalions with Lafayette in Virginia, 1781 by John U. Rees
Aerial view of zigzag approach trenches dug by Greene's army
The health of Lieutenant Colonel Samuel Hawes, the commander of the “new” 2d Virginia Regiment formed of eighteen month levies, had declined following the battles of Guilford Courthouse and Hobkirk’s Hill, forcing him to relinquish command of the 2d Virginia Regiment in May 1781 with command passing to Major Smith Snead.
Lieutenant colonel Campbell, of the first Virginia regiment, with a detachment from the Maryland and Virginia brigades, was charged with the attack on the left; lieutenant colonel Lee, with the legion infantry and Kirkwood’s Delawares, with that on the right. Lieutenants Duval of Maryland, and Seldon of Virginia, commanded the forlorn hope of Campbell; and captain Rudolph, of the legion, that of Lee. Fascines were prepared to fill up the enemy’s ditch, long poles with iron hooks were furnished to pull down the sandbags, with every other requisite to facilitate the progress of the assailant. At eleven the third parallel was manned, and hour sharp shooters took their station in the tower. The first signal was announced from the centre battery, upon which the assailing columns entered the trenches; manifesting delight in the expectation of carrying by their courage the great prize in view.
At the second cannon, which was discharged at the hour of twelve, Campbell and Lee rushed to the assault. Cruger, always prepared, received them with his accustomed firmness. The parapets were manned with spike and bayonet, and the riflemen, fixed at the apertures, maintained a steady and destructive fire. Duval and Seldon, entered the enemy’s ditch at different points, and Campbell stood prepared to support them, in the rear of the party furnished with hooks to pull down the sand bags. This party had also entered the enemy’s ditch, and began to apply the book. Uncovering the parapet now would have given us victory; and such was the vigorous support afforded by the musketry from the third parallel, from the riflemen in the tower, and from the artillery mounted in battery, that sanguine expectations of this happy issue were universally endulged. The moment the bags in front were pulled down, Campbell would have mounted the parapet, where the struggle would not have been long maintained. Cruger had prepared an intermediate battery with his three pieces, which he occasionally applied to the left and right. At first it was directed against Lee’s left, but very soon every piece was applied to Campbell’s right, which was very injurious to his column.
Aerial view of the Star Fort as it looks today
Major Green, commanding in the star redoubt, sensible of the danger to which he was exposed, if the attempted lodgment upon his front curtain succeeded, determined to try the bayonet in his ditch as well as on his parapet. To captains Campbell and French was committed this bold effort. Entering into the ditch through a sally-port to the rear of the star, they took opposite directions, and soon came into contact, the one with Duval, the other with Seldon. Here ensued a desperate conflict. The Americans, not only fighting with the enemy in front but with the enemy overhead, sustained gallantly the unequal contest, until Duval and Seldon became disabled by wounds, when they yielded, and were driven back with great loss to the point of entry. The few surviving escaped with the hookmen to our trenches, where yet remained Campbell, the sand-bags not being removed. On the left, the issue was very different. Rudolph gained the enemy’s ditch, and followed by the column, soon opened his way into the fort, from which the enemy, giving their last fire, precipitately retreated. Measures were in train on the part of Lee, to follow up his blow by passing the rivulet, entering the town, and forcing the fortified prison, whence the left might have yielded substantial aid to the attack upon the star, by compelling Cruger to struggle for the town, or forcing him with all his troops to take refuge in the star; a situation not long to be held, crowded as he must have been, and destitute of water. The adverse fortune experienced by our left column, made the mind of Greene return to his cardinal policy, the preservation of adequate force to keep the field.
Charmed with the courage displayed in his view, and regretting its disadvantageous application, he sent orders to Campbell to draw off, and to Lee to desist from further advance, but to hold the stockade abandoned by the enemy.
Our loss amounted, during the siege, to one hundred and eighty-five killed and wounded; that of the garrison to eighty-five. Captain Armstrong, of the Maryland line, was the only officer killed on our side, as was lieutenant Roney the only one on theirs. After our repulse, Greene sent a flag to lieutenant colonel Cruger, proposing a cessation of hostilities for the purpose of burying the dead; but as to the burial of the dead the proposition was rejected, Cruger not choosing to admit our participation in a ceremonial which custom had appropriated to the victor.
As soon as it was dark, the detachment was withdrawn from the stockade, and preparations were begun for retreat.
2d Virginia Regiment at Ninety-Six
While not mentioned by name in Lee’s account of the assault, the men of the 2d Virginia Regiment were also engaged during the twenty-eight day siege, as Lieutenant William Eskridge wrote an avadavat in 1788 that “…Patrick Bennigen a soldier of the 2d Virginia Regiment Was in the Action at ninety-six in So Carolina, where he received two wounds, one in the body — and the other broke his wrist — both by musquet Balls”
The Virginia Brigade would first see combat at the Battle of Guilford Courthouse in March 1781. While “Colonel Green…with his regiment of Virginia, was drawn off without having tasted of battle, and ordered to a given point in the rear for security…” Hawes’s battalion was heavily engaged on the American right of the third line. Lieutenant Colonel Henry “Light Horse Harry” Lee noted that they were “…composed of new soldiers, among whom were mingled a few who had served from the beginning of the war; but all the officers were experienced and approved.”
When Cornwallis sent Webster’s Brigade to break Greene’s third line, they “…rushed into close fire; but so firmly was he received by this body of veterans, supported by Hawe’s regiment of Virginia…that with equal rapidity he was compelled to recoil from the shock.” As the battle concluded, “General [Issac] Huger, who had, throughout the action, given his chief attention to the regiment of Hawes’s, the only one of the two, constituting his brigade, ever engaged, and which, with Kirkwood’s company, was still contending with lieutenant colonel Webster, now drew it off by order of the general;”
Lee commended the untested brigade and credited its officers in that “…the two regiments of Virginia were comprised of raw troops; but their officers were veteran, and the soldier is soon made fit for battle by experienced commanders.”
Excerpt from “…the soldier is soon made fit for battle by experienced commanders.”: The Collapse, Reformation, and Battle History of the Virginia Brigade of the Southern Army, 1780-81 by Todd Post
Following the hard campaigning and brutal winter of the Philadelphia Campaign in 1777-78 in which the Virginia Continental regiments were heavily engaged, the state struggled to maintain its quota of fifteen regiments and began a series of consolidations starting in September 1778. Officers would be deemed supernumerary and either furloughed, sent back to Virginia to recruit, or given alternative assignments with hopes they would return to duty when their regiments regained full strength.
By early 1780, all of Virginia’s forces would be reduced to three ill-fated “detachments” of roughly 700 men. The 1st and 2d Virginia Detachments would be captured at Charleston and the 3rd Virginia Detachment was smashed at the Waxhaws in May 1780.
In July 1780, Washington wrote Generals Gates and Muhlenberg of a plan to reconstitute the Virginia Line, by “…raising Five Thousand Men to serve Eighteen months, for supplying their Battalions…” as “The Whole of the Virginia line, except the 9th Regiment and the Officers mentioned below, being prisoners at Charles Town…” As an additional stopgap measure, Virginia sent its State Regiment to join the Southern Army, but that too was decimated at the Battle of Camden and instead of several regiments totaling 5,000 men.
Chesterfield Courthouse, 1780
One of the officers who had been deemed supernumerary was Danish-born Colonel Christian Febiger of the 2d Virginia Regiment. By May 1779, the regiment had fallen to only 180 rank-and-file; operational command had fallen to Major Thomas Massie and there was such a need for company officers that an inspection return recommended the promotion of serjeants to ensigns to fill the gap.
In July 1779, while still retaining command of the 2d Virginia Regiment on paper, Febiger was given command of the Corps of Light Infantry’s 1st Battalion and participated in General Wayne’s capture of Stony Point. Having been a merchant in Boston prior to the war, he was then sent to Philadelphia to help procure supplies for the Southern Army before eventually going to Virginia to head up recruitment efforts for his regiment and the Virginia Line at Chesterfield Courthouse.
In his memoirs, Lieutenant Francis Brooke of the 1st Continental Artillery talks of the recruiting depot and Febiger, saying: “Col. Febiger was an excellent camp officer, well acquainted with the tactics of the drill, and though I belonged to the artillery, I was called into rotation with other subalterns to train and drill the infantry, and I acquired perfect knowledge of the Prussian tactics, written by Baron Steuben, who had been an aid to the Great Frederick.”
To aid in his efforts, he also petitioned to form a band of music at his own expense, writing that he had “…twice tried it and have been often disappointed, as no musicians were to be had in this country except prisoners and deserters from the British army, who as soon as I had two or three of them engaged, one would desert me before I could get another in his place, I soon discovered that no faith must be put in these people and the assistant till last Fall, when the time of service of three of our best fifers expired, I proposed for them to reenlist and I would make a Band of them…”
He then hired a “…Mr. Schultz a German musician to teach them…” and made an offer to any of his fifers that if they would reenlist, that as a bounty he would have them taught, “four to learn clarinets and violins, 2 bassoons and bass viol, 2 French horn and that many should be entitled to all other embellishments such as clothing etc. as was allowed other non-commissioned officers in the army.” Febiger attempted to follow through on this effort when he wrote the Board of War “…as the Uniform of my Regt. is blue fac’d with red and it is customary to have the Drums and Fifes in Reverse Uniform to the Regt. to grant me the Order for red Coats fac’d with blue…”
Little did Febiger know that soon the remnants of his regiment and the rest of the Virginia Line would be effectively erased, making Chesterfield Courthouse the focal point for reestablishing it.
The 1st and 2d Virginia Regiments Take Form
The other two battalions of new levies and reenlisted veterans would eventually be formed into the Virginia Brigade under Brigadier General Isaac Huger with Major General Greene. These battalions are often erroneously referred to as the 4th and 5th Virginia Regiments, probably due to a misunderstanding of the 1st, 2d, and 3rd Virginia Detachments of 1780.
Initially, the battalions were referred to by their colonel’s name, Greene wrote to William Davies of the Virginia Board of War: “The disagreeable situation of the detachments serving with this army from the State of Virginia, and the complaints of all ranks of officers from their not being Regimented induces me to wish that the first and second Virginia regiments should be immediately formed, and the Officers sent forward without loss of time. While the troops act by detachment and the officers uncertain whether they will command the same men, they will not pay attention to the discipline of the troops which the service requires.”
The 1st Virginia Regiment would be formed in December 1780 under Colonel John Green. Green had started the war as a captain of the original 1st Virginia Regiment in 1775 and would go on to serve in the 10th and 6th Virginia Regiments, but like Febiger would become a supernumerary officer until this new battalion was formed. When they marched off for North Carolina, Steuben wrote Greene: “Yesterday I had the Satisfaction of marching Col [John] Green with 400 Rank and file, on his way to the Southward… For those men I have procured a jacket with sleeves, one shirt, a pair of linen overhalls, a knapsack, Blanket, and a pair shoes each. This Detachment is completely furnishd with Camp Equipage. In order to complete them I was obliged to take Eight Horse Men’s tents out of those Stores sent on. The men are all Armed with Gun, Bayonet, and 40 Rounds.”
The second battalion also formed, as recalled by Private Lewis Griffin, “…at Steuben’s, or Chesterfield Courthouse…” during the winter …”where they drew their clothing and arms.” They marched to join Greene under Lt. Colonel Richard Campbell, who had previously served in the 8th Virginia Regiment and then commanded the 13th Virginia Regiment, which became the 9th Virginia Regiment and served at Fort Pitt. When they arrived, Campbell was named second in command of the 1st Virginia Regiment and the Lt. Colonel Samuel Hawes assumed command of the 2d Virginia Regiment. Hawes began the war as a captain in the original 2d Virginia Regiment in 1775 before transferring to the 6th Virginia Regiment.
Excerpt from “…the soldier is soon made fit for battle by experienced commanders.”: The Collapse, Reformation, and Battle History of the Virginia Brigade of the Southern Army, 1780-81 by Todd Post
How do I know? Because I own 10-12 period correct instruments and have examined as many held in museums and found that reproduction fifes used in the hobby share few characteristics with extant fifes from the period. Most period fifes are in the pitch of C or D, whereas most reproduction fifes are made in B flat because it sounds better, and construction details such as the fingerholes and ferrules are much different.
The 2d Virginia Regiment 