As a delegate in the Continental Congress in 1776, Thomas Jefferson helped lead a rebellion against King George III in part because of taxes. Five years later, John Claypool helped lead a rebellion against Governor Jefferson, also in part over taxes.
Virginia’s early success running royal governor Lord Dunmore out of the commonwealth and raising fifteen infantry regiments, two cavalry regiments and an artillery regiment for the Continental Army was largely undone by 1781. Its troops saw some of the heaviest fighting during the 1777-78 Philadelphia Campaign and its depleted regiments were further diminished by expiring enlistments. The Virginia Line underwent consolidations in 1778 and again in 1779; reducing its number of infantry regiments to three conglomerated “detachments” by the time they marched south to join the Southern Army. A string of defeats in Savannah, Charleston, at the Waxhaws and Camden effectively eliminated Virginia’s regular troops, requiring it to essentially rebuild its military entirely.
The Old Dominion remained relatively unscathed and untouched directly by the war after Lord Dunmore finally left the Chesapeake for New York City in 1776. That is until a British force under the command of Commodore Sir George Collier and Major General Edward Mathew took Virginia by surprise in May 1779, razing economic and military targets along the Chesapeake. The next year General Alexander Leslie took Portsmouth in October 1780, attacking Newport News and Hampton, destroying supplies and drawing attention away from Lord Cornwallis in the Carolinas.
General Daniel Morgan reversed this bad fortune in January 1781. A veteran of the French and Indian War, Morgan raised and led a company of riflemen in 1775 to join the Siege of Boston and the invasion of Canada, where he was captured in the attack on Quebec. Following his exchange, he was given command of the 11th Virginia Regiment as well as the Provisional Rifle Corps, an ad hoc formation of light troops from Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia. This corps were critical in the Battle of Saratoga, helping prevent a British from isolating New England from the rest of the colonies by taking New York.
Due to the consolidations, the 11th merged with the 7th Virginia Regiment in 1778 and Morgan resigned in 1779 to return to build a home east of Winchester in modern day Clarke County. His retirement was short lived following Gates’ Defeat at Camden when Morgan rejoined the army promoted to brigadier general in October 1780, taking command of an independent command in the Southern Army in the with orders to harass the British in the Carolina backcountry. In response, the British sent Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton to track down Morgan and the two forces met at the Cowpens in northwest South Carolina on ground of Morgan’s choosing. Brilliantly using his forces to their strengths while aware of their shortcomings, Morgan decimated Tarleton’s detachment, inflicting an 86 percent casualty rate.
Daniel Morgan’s “Saratoga”, built 1780 in Clarke County, c. 1928
Chronic joint pain however forced Morgan into retirement once more in February. Morgan was not alone in being worn down from the war however. After contributing so much to the cause only to lose it all, Virginia felt the effects of six years of fighting combined with a year of one military disaster after another. This was exacerbated when British force under Benedict Arnold landed in Virginia, burning plantations along the James River before attacking and burning the new capital in Richmond before setting up a base of operations in Portsmouth.
Virginia had very little left to defend itself with against this latest incursion other than militia. In response, the Assembly instituted a draft, raised taxes and conscripted supplies to keep the Southern Army in the field, creating similar conditions to those that caused the Revolution in the first place. With Cornwallis in North Carolina and Arnold in the Tidewater, any Loyalists remaining in Virginia now had reason for hope while those indifferent to the war became resentful of forced service and financial drain.
Samuel McDowell, the county lieutenant of the Rockbridge County Militia, described the dissention to Governor Jefferson: “The Act of October last, for raising this States quota of troops for the Continental Army…[and] Some of the field officers were of opinion that Districts ought to be laid off…the People in this Country, (hearing that they of Augusta had Prevented laying off the Districts there) met (to-wit) almost a hundred of them, and Seeing Colo Bowyer getting the lists from the Capts; of the Strength of their Companies, and Supposing it was to lay off the Districts anew, got into the Court House Seased the table, carried it off in a Riotous manner; and said no Districts should be laid off there, for that they would Serve as militia for three months and make up the Eighteen months that way, but would not be Drafted for Eighteen months and be regulars…they tore the Papers and after some time began to go off.”
In Hampshire County, militia Colonel Garrett van Meter reported to Jefferson “…that a dangerous insurrection has lately arisen in this County, occasioned by the execution of the late Acts of Assembly for recruiting this state’s quota of troops to serve in the Continental Army, and the Act for supplying the Army with clothes, provisions and wagons, in consequence of which the collector of the tax under the former Act has been opposed in the execution of his duty and has been obliged to desist from any further proceeding therein, and although every measure that prudence could suggest has been taken to suppress the rioters, yet it has proved ineffectual by reason of their having a superior force.”
“…the place They live in, which is composed of deep valies and inaccessible mountains…” A view of modern Hardy County, West Virginia near Moorefield
A few days later, van Meter updated his report to add that the draft “will not be complyed with, by Reason of the disaffected people amongst us. (A Collector of one of the Divisions for making up the Cloathes and Beef was Interrupted in the execution of his office.).” A leader emerged among the rioters, “A certain John Claypole” who “said if all the men were of his mind, they would not make up any Cloathes, Beef or Men, and all that would join him should turn out. Upon which he got all the men present, to five or six and Got Liquor and Drank King George the third’s health, and Damnation to Congress,).”
In response, “there was a warrant Issued for several of them, and Guard of Fifty men with the Sheriff. When they came to the place they found sixty or seventy men embodied, with arms – After some time they capitulated. the Sheriff served the precept on the said John Claypole, but he refused to come with him or give up his arms; but agreed to come such a time, which time is Passt – Inclosed you have a Copy of a Letter they sent me, and the answer I sent them – I was Informed there was one hundred and fifty of them to Gether the next Day. I am informed there are several Deserters amongst those people, Some from the English Prisoners. Some Eighteen Months men, and some Eight Months men, which they support and conceal.”
A local Baptist preacher initially wrote off the affair as “occasioned by Liquor”, and van Meter was “very Glad to hear the Mutineers Begin to see their Folly…”, promising to “…shew them all the Lenity the circumstance of the Case will admit of, but those chargable with breaking the Law I cannot clear, as I am but an Individual, unless they who are in the warrant Comes in and Clears themselves – from your friend, whil you are friends to yourselves and the United States.”
After a few weeks however, van Meter’s optimism waned, despite having “…no further accounts of the rioters, but have much reason to fear (whatever they may promise to the contrary) they will still stand in opposition untill a sufficient force is sent against them. I have within these Twenty-four Hours, received authentick information, that a very considerable number have assembled in another part of the County, determined to stand in opposition to every measure of Government, and endeavoring to persuade every one in their neighborhood to join them in their Treasonable and destructive measures – for this purpose (as I am told) they swear fidelity to each other. Their principal object is to be clear of Taxes and Draughts. These things Sir, are truly alarming, but I am happy in one consolation, that we have a majority of Friends to our happy Constitution and will spare no pains nor hazard when called on, to render their country what services in their power.)”
Concern of a festering Loyalist uprising started to spread throughout the Shenandoah Valley. Militiaman John Clinkinbaird recalled that “an express arrived in Berkeley County giving the Information that the Tories had embodied on the South branch of Potomac, under General Claypole Colonels Wooltze and Brake and that Hagers Town was to be sacked and burnt”. There also was an assumption that the “Tories were being organized in order to co-operate with the expected invasion of Virginia.”
An express also went out to Frederick County “for as many men as can be had, not at any Rate, less than three hundred from Frederick County…We look upon it, that our lives & Fortunes are in danger of being taken…” as Claypool “was expected by last night to command one thousand men” and “threaten, if successful, to kill Men, Women & Children.” The “only sure Remmedy to apply” to the rebellion seen was to “prevail upon Genl: Morgan to take a Tower amongst them, which seems to be their chief Resin – they are daily dareing him.”
Answering the call, “(the old Waggoner) General Morgan collected a detachment of volunteers for a tour of three months” comprised of militia under Colonel Abraham Byrd of Shenandoah County, Colonel Benjamin Harrison from Rockingham County and Colonel John Smith of Frederick County who had “and succeded in assembling about 400 men” in “Winchester Virginia and from thence he marched to the Zanes’ Iron works in Frederick County and lay there one day and night & thence he marched to a Creek called Big Capon in said County and thence he marched to General Claypole’s farm”.
Arriving at “Claypoles house on the west side of said North Mountain”, the militia “came right in sight of a large body of Tories we fired on them.” “Colonel [John] Brake the second in command was killed” and “one of them [Brake’s son] was shot in the calf of his leg, the ball lodged against his shin bone.” Animosity ran high as “Doc’t. Michael A Dacon, (Sergeon to Col. Benjamin Harrison Regiment) was requested to extract or cut it out and dress the wound of the tory, he refused, and said, d–n the tories let them find their own Doctors”. With Brake dead, “the rest all flead” while “Claypole with the most of his tory followers, had left for the mountains, or places unknown” as they had supposed “the numbers of troops led against them to be much greater than it really was.”
Having “succeeded in breaking up, & destroying the establishment,” some of Claypool’s “men came in and surrendered themselves, and Gen’l. Claypole himself sent in a letter to Col. Benjamin Harrison asking for peace” going so far as to “willing to take up arms in favor of their own Country” to make amends. A Captain Johnson raised “a company from among the tories” which joined Lafayette’s army at the Battle of Spencer’s Ordinary near Williamsburg under Colonel Harrison. Still not committed to the cause though, “during the battle every one of his men left him, as well as officers, except his Lieutenant.”
After staying at Brake’s farm for five days, the pursuit continued “on top of the mountain between Claypole’s farm and Brake’s farm three men were overtaken by our Regiment who refused to surrender one of whom was killed and the other two made their escape.” Eventually, “The Torys gave themselves up, among whom were Mace, Claypole & Blake” near Berkeley Courthouse and were taken “to Romney Jail (so called) for trial” while the rest “sent in their arms, and promised to desist from further hostilities”. The whole affair “lasted about fifteen or twenty days” and the militiamen “were all permitted to return home and remain until we should again be called into service.”
The ringleaders were officially arraigned in Hampshire County court and were “adjudged to stand a further trial before a Special Court of Oyer and Terminer appointed to meet at the Court House on the 10th day of July last, but the gentlemen nominated as Judges by the Honorable Board failing to attend, the prosecution was postponed”
More than twenty-five petitioners appealed to newly elected Governor Thomas Nelson, Jr. for leniency, blaming “wicked emissaries or pretended emissaries of the British who travel through all parts of the frontiers and by misrepresentations and false news poisoned the minds of the ignorant and credulous settlers.” They further claimed that they “never concerted or conspired the destruction of Government or the hurt of any individual, further then to defend themselves when attacked or compelled to yield obedience” to the draft and taxes, before they were “made sensible of their error by the gentlemen from the adjacent counties who marched a body of men sufficient to have put all the disobedient and deluded crew to the sword, but, from motives of humanity and prudence attempted the more mild method of argument to dispel the delusion and bring them back to their duty”.
Nelson also received letters on Claypool’s behalf from Rockingham County clerk Peter Hog, based on “good policy, as well as humanity” who argued a pardon could entice those “denied to surrender themselves to Justice” to turn themselves in, but also they recognized that “the many relations & connexions that the Claypole Family have in that part of the Country: as there is the Father * sons, with many grand children, who by inter-marriages are connected with the most considerable Families…and to prosecute him with vigour, whilst the ringleaders have evaded Justice by flight, and those in similar circumstances of Guilt are pardoned, would probably sour the minds of his numerous connexions, and perhaps be regarded by them as pointed and partial.” Despite Hog’s “aversion to Tories”, witnessing “distressing Scenes of aged mothers, wives, & children crowding to the Court house to take the last Leave of their unhappy Sons, husbands & fathers, apprehending that Execution would be immediate…strongly affected my feelings” as well. Even Colonel van Meter wrote the governor hopes the Legislature may “incline to pass an act of indemnity for the whole of them.”
Benjamin Harrison replaced Nelson as governor in December 1781 and decided it “imprudent to grant a general pardon to the Insurgents” since “Too great Lenity may & most probably will bring the Government into Contempt and at last occasion its Overthrow.” and that Robert Smith of the “Six Ringleaders” should be sent immediately to the General Court in Richmond trial.
Still facing execution if found guilty of insurrection, Claypool appealed to Morgan to solicit the governor for “clemency and forgiveness”, convincing Morgan that he was “truly penitent” based on “his former character as well as of his conduct since his resignation to the Laws of his Country, which in both cases have been uniform and good.” In his letter to Harrison, Morgan remarked that Claypool’s “crimes are only similar to those men in Augusta county who opposed the laws and prevented the draught” leading him to conclude that though “I can truly say this is the first time I ever spoke in favour of a Tory, or ever wished their lives spared them – but Humanity as well as policy urges me to say something in favour of Clapool, and wish he may obtain forgiveness.”
Morgan saw a practical opportunity to use Claypool “to prevent another revolt, which the people of that place for many years will incline to, as they are ignorant of their duty, fond of changes and withal encouraged & favoured by the situation of the place They live in, which is composed of deep valies and inaccessible mountains, which serves to favour their escape when pursued.” A pardon would “be a means of bringing in numbers of our Lyers, who are afraid to come, for fear of being punished – numbers of deserters from the Army with them.”
The General Court found Robert Smith guilty and sentenced him to death, but was pardoned by a special act of the Virginia General Assembly in May 1782. On 7 June, Governor Harrison sent a letter to Hampshire County clerk Andrew Wodrow, to say “I send you pardons for four of the persons concerned in the late insurrection in the back country. There is no occasion for more as the noli prosequi secures the rest.” The case dropped against him, Claypool returned to Lost River in present day Hardy County, West Virginia until his death in 1823.
“This battle was fought on the 28th June 1778, and my Regiment was in the latter part of the action.”
– John Hereford
Recreated 2d Virginia Regiment at Monmouth Battlefield State Park, 2008
In the summer of 1777, I enlisted under Lieutenant Erasmus Gill, a recruiting officer belonging to the Second Virginia Regiment, of Infantry of the line, on the Continental establishment, for the term of three years. I marched with the said officer, and under the command of Captain Marcus Calimar [Marquis Calmes], another recruiting officer of the same Regiment, with about one hundred recruits from Leesburg, and joined the American Army near Philadelphia.
I was annexed to Capt. Peyton Harrison’s Company in said Regiment, as Sergeant, and continued as such, during my service in the Regiment. In the winter of 1777-1778, the army took up their winter quarters at the Valley Forge. When the Spring Campaign opened we left our huts and lay in the plains below, on the Schuylkill, until the enemy left Philadelphia.
As soon as the news of their movement arrived in our Camp the whole American Army was put in motion and crossed the Delaware at [?] ferry, as well as my memory serves.
Orders were given to the troops to divest themselves of knap-sacks and blankets in order to go with as much expedition as possible on a fast march to [overtake] the enemy.
The day was [exceptionally] hot and as our march was through a dry, barren sandy coun-try destitute of water, many of our soldiers became exhausted, and fell by the way. Our Army passed through Mount Holley, an English town in the State of New Jersey. The principal action took place between the church and Monmouth Court House, where we [?] the retreating troops under Gen.l Charles Lee.
This battle was fought on the 28th June 1778, and my Regiment was in the latter part of the action. The division to which I belonged, formed near the church. The Re-giment in which I served, was then commanded by Col. Christian Febiger, an old swede, who told me he had been in thirty six actions in Europe and America.
The English having gained the heights of Monmouth, commenced a heavy fire from their artillery, which was returned by Col. Harrison of Virginia, commanding our artillery — We lay on the field of battle that night, and on the next day, buried the dead of both armies. The British having made their escape during the night, our army took up the line of March, for the heights of Brunswick, and lay their some time.
“He [Colonel Alexander Spotswood] commanded the second [Virginia] regiment, at the battle of Brandywine; and, it was said by a British writer, one Smith, that it was the only regiment that left the field of battle in good order.”
– Francis Brooke
The Battle of the Brandywine, was fought on September 11, 1777, in the area surrounding Chadds Ford, PA. The battle, which was a decisivevictory for the British, left Philadelphia, the revolutionary capital, undefended. The British captured the city on September 26, beginning an occupation that would last until June, 1778.
Edward G. Lengel explains the positioning of the Continental Army in his article, The Battle of Brandywine: “Washington concentrated the American defenses at Chad’s Ford, but also prepared to prevent possible British flanking movements to the south or north. Pyle’s Ford, an easily defensible crossing and the only practicable one south of Chad’s Ford, was covered by two brigades of Pennsylvania militia under Brigadier General John Armstrong. Nathaniel Greene’s 1st Division, composed of the 1st and 2d Virginia Brigades under Brigadier Generals Peter Muhlenberg and George Weedon, was entrusted with the primary defense of Chad’s Ford. Greene’s troops straddled the Nottingham road leading east from the Brandywine. To Greene’s right was Brigadier General Anthony Wayne’s 4th division containing two brigades of Pennsylvania Continentals. Colonel Thomas Procter’s Continental Artillery Regiment was placed on some heights commanding Chad’s Ford to Wayne’s right.” The 2d Virginia Regiment was assigned to Weedon’s Brigade of Greene’s Division.
Lengel further writes that “What remained of the three divisions fled a mile further east to Dilworthtown, just north of which place Greene’s division was forming up. Washington had dispatched Greene to this place after learning of the fall of Birmingham Hill, and he now arrived to supervise the positioning of Greene’s troops. By this time the 1st division was the last fresh American division on the field. Knyphausen had assaulted Wayne’s and Maxwell’s positions around Chad’s Ford at five o’clock, rapidly driving them back and capturing all of Procter’s guns. The position at Dilworthtown was therefore critical if the rest of the army (including Armstrong’s militia, which had not been engaged but was busy retreating eastward) was to be preserved.
That this position held until sundown was partly because of Washington’s careful positioning, at Sullivan’s suggestion, of Brigadier Generals Peter Muhlenberg’s and George Weedon’s brigades respectively on the front and flank of the British advance. As the Hessian grenadiers marched on Dilworthtown, Captain Johann Ewald [of the Hesse-Cassell Jaegers] wrote, they “received intense grapeshot and musketry fire which threw [the Germans] into disorder, but they recovered themselves quickly, deployed, and attacked the village.’
[General James] Agnew’s 4th Brigade…occupying at Ewald’s suggestion a hill on the flank, ‘ran into several American regiments’ of Weedon’s brigade [2d and 10th Virginia Regiments], preparing to fall upon the German’s flank. ‘At this point,’ Ewald wrote, ‘there was terrible firing, and half of the Englishmen and nearly all of the officers of these two regiments (they were the 46th and 64th Regiments of Foot) were slain.’ Fortunately for the British, an English artillery officer arrived opportunely with two six-pounders on Weedon’s flank, breaking up their attack. By this time it was growing dark and Greene’s men could follow their compatriots to Chester while the British remained in Dilworthtown, tending the wounded of both sides.”
Francis Brooke (who served as a lieutenant in the 1st Continental Artillery Regiment) recalls the service of his father-in-law Colonel Alexander Spotswood and the 2d Virginia Regiment at the Battle of Brandywine in his memoirs: “He commanded the second regiment, at the battle of Brandywine; and, it was said by a British writer, one Smith, that it was the only regiment that left the field of battle in good order.” This is corroborated by Captain John Peebles of the 42nd Regiment of Foot‘s grenadier company writes in his diary that the men of Weedon’s Brigade were “…the Enemy’s best troops…”
“In this stage of the action, the Virginians under lieutenant colonel Campbell, and the Marylanders under colonel Williams, were led on to a brisk charge, with trailed arms, through a heavy cannonade and shower of musket balls. Nothing could exceed the gallantry and firmness of both officers and soldiers on this occasion. They preserved their order, and pressed on with such unshaken resolution that they bore down all before them. The enemy were routed in all quarters.”
Major General Nathanael Greene
The Virginia Brigade would continue to dwindle and in July 1781, Huger relinquished command of the brigade to Colonel Richard Campbell and command of the 1st Virginia Regiment passed to Captain Thomas Edmunds. Command of the 2d Virginia Regiment had passed to Major Smith Snead in May 1781.
Their final battle would be at Eutaw Springs, another battle that went initially very well for the Americans but during which opportunity for a decisive victory was lost. Coming upon a camp of British troops under Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Stewart, Major General Nathanael Greene once again had “…second line consisted of three small brigades of continental troops…The Virginians consisted of two battalions, commanded by Major Snead and captain Edmonds, and the whole by lieutenant colonel Campbell, and posted to the centre.”
The Americans gained ground against the British with two successive pushes which were countered by British counterattacks until according to Lt. Colonel Henry “Light Horse Harry” Lee: “Greene, determining to strike a conclusive blow, brought up the Marylanders and Virginians; when our line became dense, and pressing forward with a shout the battle raged with redoubled fury.”
Greene’s army pressed their way into the British camp, and “In this stage of the action, the Virginians under lieutenant colonel Campbell, and the Marylanders under colonel Williams, were led on to a brisk charge, with trailed arms, through a heavy cannonade and shower of musket balls. Nothing could exceed the gallantry and firmness of both officers and soldiers on this occasion. They preserved their order, and pressed on with such unshaken resolution that they bore down all before them. The enemy were routed in all quarters.”
Lee writes that “The battle lasted upwards of three hours, and was fiercely contested, every corps in both armies bravely supporting each other.” The offensive stalled at the British camp as a detachment of British troops under Major John Marjorbanks fiercely defended an adjacent brick house which gave Stewart’s force an opportunity to regroup and counterattack again, driving the Americans from the camp. Once again Greene retreated in good order and the British were forced to consolidate their forces closer to Charleston.
Greene considered it a victory, thinking he was “…principally indebted for the victory we obtained to the free use of the bayonet made by the Virginians and Marylanders…”, however Lee characterized the battle by saying the “…loss was uncommonly great — more than one fifth of the British and one forth of the American army being killed or wounded, as stated in the official returns, which intelligent officers of both armies considered short of the real loss sustained…. Of six commandants of regiments bearing continental commissions, Williams and Lee were only unhurt.” Greene wrote Congress “…Lieutenant colonel Campbell fell as he was leading his troops to charge, and though he fell with distinguished manner [?] of honour, yet his loss is much to be regretted: he was the great soldier and the firm patriot.”
“I was brought to bed with a disappointment. Another [Bull’s Ferry] blockhouse affair. Madness! Mad Anthony, by God, I never knew such a piece of work heard of – about eight hundred troops opposed to five or six thousand veterans upon their own ground.”
Doctor Robert Wharry
In the summer of 1781, British General Lord Cornwallis occupied the city of Williamsburg for ten days, planning his next move. A British force had been in Virginia since January, having occupied Norfolk, burned Richmond, scuttled the Virginia State Navy on the Chickahominy River, and defeated a force of Virginia militia at Petersburg before Cornwallis had even entered Virginia from North Carolina. The British campaign in Virginia continued, with Crown forces destroying supplies at Point of Fork (modern day Columbia), and skirmished with American forces just days before entering the former capitol sixteen miles from Williamsburg at a place called Spencer’s Ordinary.
Lieutenant General Charles Cornwallis by Thomas Gainsborough
Cornwallis was looking for a base of operations in Virginia, where the Royal Navy could resupply him easily and receive reinforcements from General Clinton in New York. At the same time, he had to contend with a combined force of Continentals and Virginia militia under the command of General Lafayette, who had been in Virginia since April. For the time being, until a suitable base of operations could be found, Cornwallis decided to retire to Portsmouth, and to do so, cross the James River at the northwest tip of James Island – an area known as Green Spring, named after the 17th century plantation of Governor Berkeley. With the British crossing the river, Lafayette saw an opportunity to strike Cornwallis and have a reasonable chance of defeating at least part of his army. His plan was to allow a portion of the British army to cross the river and then attack the remaining force. Cornwallis however saw an opportunity for a trap. Realizing Lafayette may capitalize on the opportunity to strike, Cornwallis sent only his baggage across the river, to be protected by the Queen’s Rangers and the North Carolina Volunteers. He positioned the rest of his army in a wooded area and in a deep valley, masqued from Lafayette’s view, which would spring on the young Frenchman when he moved his forces in.
Marquis de Lafayette by Charles Willson Peale
The battle occurred on July 6, 1781. Lafayette had moved cautiously from his encampment at New Kent Courthouse the previous day and marched to Bird’s Tavern, some sixteen miles from Williamsburg, with the Continentals continuing to Chickahominy Church, or Norrell’s Mills, eight miles from Jamestown, where they slept in the open, lying on their arms throughout the night. On the morning of the 6th, further intelligence came in to confirm that Cornwallis was moving his army across the James and that only the rear guard remained on the Jamestown side. Lafayette then sent General “Mad Anthony” Wayne with five hundred men including the 1st Pennsylvania Regiment under Colonel Walter Stewart, along with an advance guard of light infantry under Major Galvan, Virginia rifle companies under the command of Majors Richard Call and John Willis, and a volunteer company commanded by Lt. Colonel John Mercer. Wayne’s force marched to within half a mile of the British pickets, and Mercer had been told by a local slave that both Cornwallis and Colonel Bannistre Tarleton were still on the north side of the river. Lafayette, who had accompanied Wayne in his advance, sent back for the 2nd and 3rd Pennsylvania Regiments and the remaining light infantry, who were still six miles back at Norrell’s Mills. The Virginia Continentals and Militia were held in reserve, twelve miles to the rear at Bird’s Tavern. The British camp was positioned on the banks of the James and Cornwallis was doing everything he could to convince Lafayette that this was just the rear guard. Wayne’s advanced guards exchanged musket fire with British pickets throughout the afternoon and a patrol comprised of the British Legion were driven back along a road which cut through the marshy area around the river bank. Late into the afternoon the two sides continued to skirmish, Wayne waiting until his reinforcements arrived, Cornwallis waiting until the Continentals committed to a general action.
Anthony Wayne by James Sharples, Sr.
Wayne’s entire advance force began to cross the morass, with the rifle companies and light infantry keeping up a steady fire along the front, supported by McPherson’s light cavalry which was comprised of Armad’s Legion and the 1st Continental Light Dragoons, with Colonel Stewart and his Pennsylvanians held in reserve. Tarleton’s pickets continued to fall back, attempting to give Wayne the impression they were unsupported and fighting a delaying action. When the British reached a wood line, they held, under orders to conceal the main army that was directly behind them. Wayne had no idea how close he was to Cornwallis and the main British force. The 2nd and 3rd Pennsylvania Regiments under Colonels Butler and Hampton as well as Continental artillery soon arrived, along with several battalions of light infantry. The Pennsylvanians and Gimat’s battalion of light infantry joined with Wayne’s advance guard. Two other battalions of light infantry, Vose’s and Barbers, formed a line behind Wayne as a reserve. Lafayette himself decided to ride forward along the river bank and saw that Cornwallis was presenting a rouse. He rode back to order Wayne to withdraw, but it was too late. Cornwallis ordered his main force to join the action. The ensuing battle is known today as the battle of Green Spring. It is fortunate that several detailed first-hand accounts of the battle survive. Several of these accounts are presented below. The scope of the action was such that it could be comprehended fairly well by many of the participants, so the accounts corroborate each other nicely. Of particular interest are the comments on the types of tactics used by the opposing forces.
“Map of the left bank of the James River, and the Battle of Green Spring, the campaign in Virginia, prior to Yorktown.” by Jean Nicholas Desandroüins
Video from 225th Reenactment of the Battle of Green Spring
Primary Sources
Ensign Ebenezer Denny, 7th Pennsylvania Regiment
Our advance drove in the enemy’s pickets marching at this time by companies, in open order… When perhaps within one hundred and fifty yards of the enemy, we closed column and displayed; advanced in battalion until the firing commenced, and ran along the whole line. A regiment or more of the light infantry and three pieces of artillery were in the line. Saw the British light infantry, distinctly, advancing at arms‑length distance, and their second line in close order, with shouldered musket, just in front of their camp ‑ their infantry only engaged. The main body were discovered filing off to the right and left, when orders were given us to retreat… The company were almost all old soldiers. Kept compact and close to our leading company, and continued running until out of reach of the fire. The enemy advanced no farther than to the ground we left. We could not have been engaged longer than about three or four minutes, but at the distance of sixty yards only… About a fortnight after the action, visited the field; could trace plainly the ground occupied by both, from the tops of the cartridges which lay in a line; the distance about sixty paces. “The Military Journal of Ebenezer Denny.” Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Vol. VII, 1860
Lt. Francis Brooke, 1st Continental Artillery
I was attached to Gen Lawson’s brigade, with one six-pounder, and had some opportunity to know the whole force of the American army. It consisted of eight thousand militia, Stephen’s and Lawson’s brigades; of one thousands light infantry, New England troops, brought on by the Marquis (fine troops they were;) the Pennsylvania line, as it was called, between six and seven hundred men, commanded by Gen. Wayne, with a good train of artillery; one thousand Riflemen under Gen. Campbell, of King’s Mountain, and part of the regiment of Virginia Continental troops, under Colonel Febiger, a Dane; a vidette corps of dragoons, under Captain Larkin Smith; and a single company of Harrison’s regiment of artillery to which I belonged; there were some additional militia, under Major Willis. The British army was more efficient; seven thousand infantry, who had fought the battles of the South; Tarleton’s and Simcoe’s full regiments of cavalry, and a fine train of artillery. These were all troops that could not be easily driven out of a field of battle. The Marquis, in a few days, marched to the Cross‑roads and the Burnt Ordinary, sixteen miles from Williamsburg. (The skirmish at Hot Water, by Col. Butler, of the Pennsylvania line and Major John Willis, with some Virginia militia, had occurred a few days before.) While the army lay on this ground, Lord Cornwallis marched from Williamsburg to Green Spring, or Jamestown. The morning of that battle, Major Geo. Washington, an old schoolmate, the second aid to the Marquis, was at our quarters, and was asked if the Marquis knew where Lord Cornwallis was, and whether he had crossed the river. His reply was, that Gen. Wayne had been sent on that morning to find out where he was. Tarleton, in his journal, says, that one or two days before, he had bribed a white man and a Negro to go out, and, if they met with any American detachments, to inform them that the British army, except a small portion of it, had crossed the river. It was this Negro who fell in with Gen. Wayne, who, on his report, marched down and attacked the whole British army. Tarleton is wrong in supposing that the Marquis intended to bring on a general engagement; on the contrary, at 12 o’clock, when he learned that Wayne was in some danger, he ordered Col. Galvan, who belonged to the light infantry, to run down with only one hundred men to his relief, while he, with Capt. John F. Mercer’s troop of horse, who had lately joined, and some militia riflemen, followed to support him. The Marquis certainly had no idea of a general battle, as the rest of the army remained quietly in their encampment the whole of the day. General Wayne brought on the battle; relying on the intelligence the Negro gave him, whom Tarleton had bribed; for which his troops suffered very much. He, as Tarleton says, attacked the whole British army, and got off only by the Lord Cornwallis supposing that a general action was intended by the Marquis, and taking time to prepare for it. Wayne not only lost his artillery, but had, I think, eleven officers badly wounded, whom I saw the next morning under the hands of the Surgeon, at the church, in the rear of our encampment. I think it is very certain that the Marquis, at this time, intended no general battle; nor Lord Cornwallis either. His object was to cross the river and fall down to Portsmouth, that he might send the reinforcement required of him by Gen. Clinton, who apprehended an attack by Gen. Washington, and the Count Rochambeau, who was hourly expected to arrive with French troops from the West Indies. A Family Narrative Being the Reminiscences of a Revolutionary Officer Afterwards Judge of the Court of Appeals Written for the Information of his Children by Francis J. Brooke Sometime Captain in Harrison’s Regiment of Artillery. Richmond: Macfarland & Ferguson, 1849.
Continental Officer Artwork by Don Troiani
Lt. William Feltman, Pennsylvania Continentals
At sunrise we took up the line of march for Jamestown at which place the enemy lay encamped. The first battalion of our Line (the Pennsylvanians) was detached with a small party of riflemen, which brought on a scattering fire in the front and on the flanks of our battalion (the first) that continued two or three hours, between our riflemen and their Yeagers. Our battalion (the first) was then ordered to close column and advance, when we had information the 2nd and 3rd battalions with one of [light] infantry were in sight of us. We then formed again, displayed to the right and left, the 3rd battalion on our right, and the 2nd on our left; being then formed, brought on a general engagement, our advance regular at a charge, till we got within eighty yards of their whole army, they being regularly formed, standing one yard distance from each other, their Light Infantry being in front of our battalion. We advanced under a heavy fire of grape‑shot, at which distance we opened our musketry. Then I received a wound with a canister shot in my left breast, but did not retreat until the whole of us retreated, which was very rapidly. Journal of Lieut. William Feltman, of the First Pennsylvania Regiment, 1781‑82. Including the March into Virginia and the Siege of Yorktown. Philadelphia: 1853.
Marched at 7 o’clock, and passing through hot warter, halted in a field about three miles from the British encampment at James Town. Our men being much tired and fatigued, and having had nothing to eat for more than 24 hours, the L[ight]. Infantry moved back 3 miles for the purpose of cooking. By this manoeuvre we left the Pennsylvania troops in our front to watch the motions of the enemy. General Wayne being anxious to perform wonders! (about 5 o’clk) with his 3 Regiments & some small detachments, the whole consisting of about 1,000 men, attacked the whole British army in their own encampment. We immediately marched to reinforce him; but before we could reach the field of action, met the Pennsylvania line retreating in the greatest disorder (having been overpowered by numbers, and left their artillery). We marched past the disordered troops, and formed a line of battle in a field near the green Springs. The day being spent, the enemy stopped their pursuit. About 9 o’clk we began our march again, & retired to the Church we left in the morning, where we arrived about midnight, much tired and fatigued. “Journal of Ebenezer Wild,” Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 2d ser., 6 (1891).
Captain Benjamin Bartholomew, 5th Pennsylvania Regiment
March’d at 8 Oclock A.M. 5 miles, there halted half an hour, were order’d to retire a miles to Mr. Lee’s farm, there lay untill 4 Oclock P.M. (some detach’d parts of the army with Col. Stuarts [Colonel Walter Stewart, 2nd Pennsylvania Regiment] Battation had movd down to the green Springs in the morning and drove in the enemies picquets [pickets] when we were ordered to advan[ce] to where the light parties were skirmishing with the enemy near Green spring seat we arrived about one hour before sun set with our two Battalions and one of Infantry commanded by Lt Col Jimot, [Lt. Colonel Gimat, of the light infantry] the line was formed and ordered to advance, in a few minutes a Smart firing commenc’d from from both parties, ours kept their post untill the[y] had fired four round. the enemies whole army being drawn up to oppose our four Battalions, there line being so very extensive & nearly surrounding us, we retreated across the morass, where the other two Battalion of Infantry were form’d to cover our retreat, our artilery horses being nearly all kill’d or wounded, we were Obliged to abandon our two pieces of artilery which fell into the enemies hands, we had ten officers wounded one of which was left on the field we had 5 Sergs. 64 men wounded our loss kill’d was 3 Sergs. 19 R[and & File] & Nine missing we retired to Chickeyhomeny Church, arrived at 11 Oclock at night, this day & Night march 16 miles. Marching to Victory: Capt. Benjamin Bartholomew’s Diary of the Yorktown Campaign, May 1781 to March 1782. E. Lee Shepard, ed. Richmond: Virginia Historical Society, 2002.
Colonel John Mercer, Virginia Militia
At the distance of about 300 yards in the rear of where we had been engaged, I found Gen’l. Wayne’s Brigade drawn up across the road & thro’ the wood to the right. I staid with them until they were defeated. We had just begun to assume the stiff German tactics, as the British acquir’d the good sense, from experience in our woody country, to lay it aside. Gen’l. Wayne’s Brigade were drawn up in such close order as to render it utterly impracticable to advance in line & preserve their order ‑ the line was necessarily broke by the trees as they pass’d the wood. The British advanc’d in open order at arm’s length & aiming very low kept up a deadly fire. In this situation Gen’l. Wayne gave repeated orders for the line to charge, but this operation was really impossible from the manner in which they were form’d & they cou’d not be pushed forward; notwithstanding his own bravery & the ardor of an admirable corps of field officers, who gave them the best examples, the destruction amongst them was very great, whilst the effect of their own fire, from the causes already explain’d, was I believe very trifling… Gaillard Hunt, Fragments of Revolutionary History. Being hitherto unpublished writings of the men of the American Revolution … Brooklyn, NY, 1892, p. 50-51, letter of Colonel John Francis Mercer, probably written between 1809 and 1817.
Doctor Robert Wharry
I was brought to bed with a disappointment. Another [Bull’s Ferry] blockhouse affair. Madness! Mad Anthony, by God, I never knew such a piece of work heard of – about eight hundred troops opposed to five or six thousand veterans upon their own ground.
General George Washington, Commander-in-Chief, Continental Army
My dear Marquis: I have had the pleasure of receiving your favours of the 8th. and 20th. instants. The first relieved me from much anxiety, as I had seen Mr. Rivingtons account of the action at Green Spring, which you may suppose was highly coloured in their favor. I find by your last that neither my letter of the 29th. of June, or that of the 13th. instant had reached you. I cannot tell the dates of those previous as I have but few papers with me. I will confess to you that I have written much seldomer than I wished to do, but it has been owing to the very great danger to which dispatches were exposed while Lord Cornwallis was in possession of the Country. You ask my opinion of the Virginia Campaign? Be assured, my dear Marquis, your Conduct meets my warmest approbation, as it must that of every body. Should it ever be said that my attachment to you betrayed me into partiality, you have only to appeal to facts to refute any such charge: but I trust there will be no occasion. I very much approve of your intention of reinforcing General Greene as soon as circumstances will admit and as strongly as possible. If he can only maintain the advantages he has already gained in the Carolinas and Georgia the British Ministry will make a very different figure in the political scene, to what it is plain they expected from Lord George Germaine’s letters of March last. I refer you to my private letter, which accompanies this, and am, with the tenderest Regard, etc. P.S. The Maps you mention have not come to hand. Your servant may perhaps have them. He did not come himself to Head Quarters. The Letters were received from an Express. Washington to Lafayette, 30 July 1781. George Washington Papers, Presidential Papers Microfilm (Washington, DC, 1961), series 4.
Extract of a letter from an officer of rank in the American army, dated July 11th, 1781
The British officers, we were informed, are much displeased at the issue, and acknowledged they were out-generalled; otherwise they must have cut to pieces our small detachment, aided as they were by five hundred horse, and considerable body of infantry, mounted. We could not possibly have extricated ourselves from the difficulties we were in, but by the manoeuvre we adopted, which, though it may have the appearance of temerity to those unacquainted with circumstances, yet was founded on the truest of military principles, and was one of those necessary, though daring, measures, which seldom fail of producing the desired effect, that is, confusing the enemy, and opening a way to retreat in sight of a much superior army. Banastre Tarleton. A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781, in the Southern Provinces of North America. London, 1787, p. 401-402.
Return of the killed wounded and missing of the detachment commanded by General Wayne in a skirmish with the British army near the Greene springs, in Virginia, July 6th 1781
Major Galvans advanced guard: 4 rank and file killed; 1 sergeant, 7 R & F wounded. Col. Stewarts Detacht. Pennsylvania: 11 rank and file killed; 2 captains, 3 lieutenants, 4 sergeants, 30 R&F wounded. Col. Butler’s Pennsylvania detachment: 2 sergeants, 4 rank and file killed; 15 R&F wounded; 9 R&F missing. Col. Humpton’s Pennsylvania detachment: 1 sergeant, 4 rank and file killed; 3 captains, 1 lieutenant, 1 sergeants, 19 R&F wounded. Majr. Willis’s light infantry detachment: 1 sergeant, 1 rank and file killed; 7 R & F wounded. Capn. Ogdens Co. or Macphersons Legion: 2 rank and file wounded Capn. Savage & Duffys artillery: 1 captainlieutenant, 1 sergeant, 2 rank and file wounded; 3 R&F missing. Total casualties: 4 sergeants, 24 rank and file killed; 5 captains, 1 captain‑lieutenant, 4 lieutenants, 7 sergeants, 82 rank and file wounded; 12 rank and file missing. N.B. A few rifle men were wounded, the number not ascertained Names of the officers wounded Captains McLean Division Inspector Doyle Finney Montgomery Stake McClellan Lieutenants Peircy Feltman White Herbert “taken prisoner” Capt.‑lieutenant Crosly of artillery Wm. Barber Major and D A Genl. The Papers of the Continental Congress 1774-1789, National Archives Microfilm Publications M247 (Washington, DC, 1958), reel 176, p. 173.
Lieutenant-Colonel Banastre Tarleton by Sir Joshua Reynolds
Colonel Bannistre Tarleton
Earl Cornwallis, judging the call for troops positive and pressing, and that his command, after such a diminution, would not be adequate to maintain his present position, determined instantly to leave Williamsburgh, and retire to Portsmouth; whence he might send the troops specified in the requisition of New York: For the execution of this project, it was necessary to cross James river; and James island presented the most convenient situation to secure an unmolested passage to Cobham. The navy, under the direction of Captain Aplin, being prepared for such an undertaking, on the 4th of July the royal army marched by the left, and arrived the same day in the neighbourhood of James island, which is separated from the main land by a small gut of water, not two feet deep at the reflux of the tide. The advanced guard, under Lieutenant‑colonel Simcoe, passed to the island, and from thence to Cobham in the evening. The legion cavalry and two companies of mounted infantry were directed to cover the right flank and rear of the British column during the march: Lieutenant‑colonel Tarleton moved to a church, eighteen miles from Williamsburgh, which he understood was fortified and garrisoned by the riflemen who lay in front of the American army: By surprise he got within the abbatis, the church yard, and the church, and dislodged the enemy with some loss: He afterwards proceeded towards Tyre’s plantation, when, under the advantage of a heavy rain, he drove in the pickets, and communicated a general alarm to the Marquis de la Fayette’s corps. In the mean while, the British army reached their encampment near James island, to which place the cavalry slowly retired. The position occupied by the King’s troops was equally strong and convenient; the right was covered by ponds, the center and left by morasses, over which a few narrow causeways connected it with the country, and James island lay in rear. On the 5th, the stores and wheel carriages began to pass, which employment would continue till the 7th, when it was imagined the boats would be ready for the troops. On the morning of the 6th, the foragers from the cavalry were ordered to the front, who reported that the enemy were advancing. Lieutenant‑colonel Tarleton, after the party returned, gave money and encouraging promises to a negroe and a dragoon, to communicate false intelligence, under the appearance of deserters. These emissaries were directed to inform the Americans, that the British legion, with a detachment of infantry, composed the rear guard, the body of the King’s troops having passed James river. In the afternoon, a patrole of cavalry was beat back over one of the causeways on the left, and Lieutenant Grier, who commanded it, was wounded. Soon after, the American riflemen insulted the outposts, whilst a body of continentals advanced towards the morass: The British cavalry supported the pickets on the left, in order to contain the enemy within the woods, and prevent their viewing the main army: Earl Cornwallis directed Lieutenant‑colonel Tarleton to continue this manoeuvre, and he ordered the battalions and regiments to remain quiet in their camp, where they were concealed from observation. Before sunset, the Marquis de la Fayette had passed the morass on the left, with about six hundred militia, nine hundred continentals, and some cannon; bodies of riflemen attacked other pickets; and the remainder of the American force tool post at a brick house, beyond the wood and the causeway. Upon the first cannon shot from the enemy, the British army formed and advanced, when the dragoons fell back through the intervals made for them by the infantry Lieutentant‑Colonel Dundas’s brigade composed of the 43d, 76th and 80th regiments, with two six‑pounders, under Captain Fage, sustained the weight of the enemy’s attack. The conflict in this quarter was severe and well contested. The artillery and infantry of each army, the presence of their respective generals, were for some minutes warmly engaged not fifty yards asunder. The other part of the line, consisting of the two battalions of light infantry, Lieutenant‑colonel Yorke’s brigade, (Late Webster’s) the brigade of guards, and the Hessians, met with little or no resistance, being opposed by only by small parties of militia, who made a precipitate retreat: But on the left of the British, the action was for some time gallantly maintained by the continental infantry, under General Wayne, against the 76th, 80th, and 43d. The legion cavalry formed a second line behind the 80th, and the light companies, under Captain Champagne, dismounted to reinforce the 76th . The affair was not ended before dark, when the enemy abandoned their cannon, and repassed the swamp in confusion. The woods, the morasses, and the obscurity of night, prevented the pursuit of the cavalry. The Marquis de la Fayette rallied part of the Americans to the troops posted beyond the swamp, and halted some hours at the Green Springs, to collect the fugitives. Earl Cornwallis returned to his encampment. The King’s troops had five officers wounded, and about seventy men killed and wounded. The steadiness of the new regiments, who bore the brunt of the action, did honour to those corps; and the conduct of Lieutenant‑colonel Dundas, who commanded them, was highly animated and meritorious. On the part of the Americans, near three hundred continentals and militia were killed, wounded, and taken. The events of this day were particularly important, and claimed more attention than they obtained. The Marquis de la Fayette had made a long march, in very sultry weather, with about fifteen hundred continentals and one thousand militia, to strike at the rear of the British before they passed to James island: Too great ardour, or false intelligence, which is most probably, for it is the only instance of this officer committing himself during a very difficult campaign, prompted him to cross a morass to attack Earl Cornwallis, who routed him, took his cannon, and must inevitably have destroyed his army, if night had not intervened. His lordship might certainly have derived more advantage from his victory. If the two battalions of light infantry, the guards, and Colonel Yorke’s brigade, who had all been slightly engaged, or any other corps, and the cavalry, had been detached, without knapsacks, before dawn of day, to pursue the Americans, and push them to the utmost, the army of the Marquis de la Fayette must have been annihilated. Such an exploit would have been easy, fortunate, and glorious, and would have prevented the combination which produced the fall of York town and Gloucester. Banastre Tarleton. op. cit., p. 352-356.
Captain Samuel Graham, 76th Regiment of Foot
A few days afterwards his lordship, wishing to approach the shipping at Portsmouth, had occasion to cross the James river to Cobham, and having made choice of James City Point as a proper place for crossing, he apprised the naval authorities of his intention, and our baggage, bat horses, and the Queen’s Rangers, crossed over on the 5th July. The rest of the army still remained at James City. La Fayette, with Wayne’s brigade, was completely deceived respecting the movement, and supposing that all the army had crossed over except the rear guard, came down to James City on the 6th, moving by a narrow road across the Green Springs, leading to a spot of cleared ground on the bank of the river which was immediately in front of Col. Dundas’s brigade. The British army was drawn up in two lines, the brigade of Col. Dundas forming the left of the front line, the light infantry the right; the Guards, 23d, 33d, and Hessians formed the second line. The picquet guard of Col. Dundas’s brigade, consisting of men of the 76th regiment, commanded by Lieut. Balneaves, an officer of the 80th regiment, was ordered to resist as long as possible, which they did for a length of time. The lieutenant was killed, and Lt. Alston of th esame regiment, having taken the command, was severely wounded, and after him Ensign Wemyss of the 76th was also wounded, when the picquet received orders to retire; and the enemy, advancing with great boldness, having a six-pounder on each flank, fronted when the head of the column reached the bank, and advancing in line on the open ground, fired their field pieces. The troops were then ordered to their arms, and the 76th, under the orders of the Hon. Major Needham, the 80th under Maj. Gordon, and two companies of the 43d under Capt. Cameron (the rest of that regiment being in the wood), advanced under their gallant brigadier, Lieut.-Col. Dundas. The enemy kept a good countenance for a short time, returning our fire from their field-pieces and muskets, but the noble Earl coming in the rear of the 76th, called out to charge, which order not being heard on account of the noise, he made a motion with his cane, touching a Highlander on the shoulder, which being repeated, they rushed on most rapidly. The 80th in the centre still continuing to fire, Major Gordon, mounted on a very tall horse, dashed out in front and stopped them, when several Edinburgh men of this regiment were heard to cry out, “Brigadier! Will you no luk at the Major, we canna get shooting for him; he’s aye runnin’ in the gate.” A general charge took place, which soon put an end to the combat. The enemy disappeared in an instant, as if removed by magic, abandoning their field-pieces and their wounded. Opposite to our left, where my post was, the enemy left a six-pounder loaded with grapeshot. The noble lord in his dispatch is pleased to make use of these words – “but the 76th and 80th, on whom the brunt of the action fell, had an opportunity of distinguishing themselves particularly, and Lt. Col. Dundas’s gallantry and good conduct deserve the highest praise.” Thus fortune in her folics seemed to render these two corps somewhat worthy of their companions in arms, but all were soon destined to taste of her frowns. The enemy’s loss was considerable, particularly in wounded, many of whom, I afterwards ascertained from their officers, were wounded in the lower extremities, a proof that the young soldiers had taken good aim. The army crossed the river unmolested, next day proceeding towards Portsmouth. “An English Officer’s Account of his Services in America ‑ 1779‑1781. Memoirs of Lt.‑General Samuel Graham.” Historical Magazine, September 1865, p. 70.
British 33rd Regiment of Foot as they appeared during the Southern campaign of 1780-81. Artwork by Don Troiani, http://www.historicalartprints.com
Earl Cornwallis to Sir Henry Clinton, K. B. dated Cobham, July 8, 1781
I was this morning honoured with your dispatch of the 28th ult. The troops are perfectly ready, and will proceed to Portsmouth to wait the arrival of the transports. I will give immediate orders about the artillery, stores, &c. The transports now at Portsmouth are sufficient to carry the light infantry; I had prepared them to receive that corps, and should have sent them to you in a few days, if your last order had not arrived. In your cyphered dispatch, the 2d battalion of light infantry only is mentioned; but I conclude that to be a mistake, and shall keep both ready to embark. I take for granted that General Robinson will come with the transports to take command of the expedition. General Leslie is still here; but as it was not my intention to have send him with the troops to New York, and as he will be the properest person to command here, in case you should approve of my returning to Charles town, I shall not send him on the expedition, unless it shall then appear to be your excellency’s desire that he should accompany General Robinson. I must again take the liberty of calling your excellency’s serious attention to the question of the utility of a defensive post in this country, which cannot have the smallest influence on the war in Carolina, and which only gives us some acres of an unhealthy swamp, and is for ever liable to become a prey to a foreign enemy, with a temporary superiority at sea. Desultory expeditions in the Chesepeak may be undertaken from New York with as much ease and more safety, whenever there is a reason to suppose that our naval force is likely to superior for two or three months. The boats and naval assistance having been sent to me by Captain Hudson, I marched on the 4th from Williamsburgh to a camp which covered a ford into the island of James town. The Queen’s rangers passed the river that evening. On the 5th, I sent over all the wheel carriages, and on the 6th, the bat horses, and baggage of every kind, intending to pass with the army on the 7th. About noon, on the 6th, information was brought me of the approach of the enemy, and about four in the afternoon a large body attacked our out posts. Concluding that the enemy would not bring a considerable force within our reach, unless they supposed that nothing was left but a rear guard, I took every means to convince them of my weakness, and suffered my pickets to be insulted and driven back; nothing, however appeared to us but riflemen and militia till near sunset, when a body of continentals, with artillery, began to form in the front of our camp. I then put the troops under arms, and ordered the army to advance in two lines. The attack was began by the first line with great spirit. There being nothing but militia opposed to the light infantry, the action was soon over on the right: But Lieutenant‑colonel Dundas’ brigade, consisting of the 43d, 76th, and 80th regiments, which formed the left wing, meeting the Pennsylvania line, and a detachment of the Marquis de la Fayette’s continentals, with two six‑pounders, a smart action ensued for some minutes, when the enemy gave way and abandoned their cannon. The cavalry were perfectly ready to pursue; but the darkness of the evening prevented my being able to make use of them. I cannot sufficiently commend the spirit and good behaviour of the officers and soldiers of the whole army; but the 76th and 80th regiments, on whom the brunt of the action fell, had an opportunity of distinguishing themselves particularly, and Lieutenant colonel Dundas’ conduct and gallantry deserve the highest praise. The force of the enemy in the field was about two thousand, and their loss, I believe, between two and three hundred. Half an hour more of daylight would have probably given us the greatest part of the corps. I have enclosed a list of our killed and wounded. We finished our passage yesterday, which has been an operation of great labour and difficulty, as the river is three miles wide a this place. I have great obligations to Captain Aplin and the officers of the navy and seamen for their great exertions and attentions on this occasion. Banastre Tarleton. op. cit., p. 399-401.
Letter from An Officer in the 76th regiment
From the 14th April to the 15th instant, we have travelled about 250 miles by water, and about 500 by land, in this province, going backwards and forwards, in order to bring the rebels to action, but to no purpose, except destroying 6000 hogsheads of tobacco, a vast quantity of military and other stores, a loss which cannot be retrieved for some years. Lord Cornwallis having orders to send a great part of the army to New York, marched from Williamsburg to James’s City Island, and on the 4th and 5th instant, crossed over the whole baggage of the army to Cobham, the opposite side of James’s River. The Queen’s Rangers went over as a guard. The rest of the army waited at Jame’s City Island, ready to cross the next day, but the rebels imagining the whole had crossed except three or four hundred and a few cavalry, marched down their whole force under the command of the Marquis de la Fayette and General Wayne, to attack this supposed handful of men. They first began by attacking a small piquet consisting of 20 Highlanders of the 76th, commanded by Lieutenant Balvaird of the 80th, who being early wounded, Lieutenant Alston of the same regiment, who was accidentally there, took the command of the piquet, he was also wounded. Lieut. Wemys, who was acting as adjutant to the 76th, being sent on a message to the piquet, seeing Alston wounded, dismounted and gave him his horse, drew his sword, and took the command of the piquet. He had hardly had it two minutes when he was wounded; and though the half of the men were by this time killed or wounded, the rest of the brave Highlanders kept their ground, (though opposed by ten times their number), till ordered in by Lord Cornwallis, but not before they had expended about 50 rounds each man. The piquet was engaged nearly two hours, Lord Cornwallis would have reinforced it, but did not chuse to show his strength, wishing to bring the rebels out of the woods: his calling in the piquet had the desired effect; for the rebels, who were still undeceived as to our numbers, advanced into a plain field, and proceeded some way. Mean time Lord Conwallis had his whole army drawn up into two different lines. On seeing the rebels advance, he ordered Col. Dundas’s brigade, consisting of about 250 men of the 76th, as many of the 80th, and 100 of the 43rd to attack, which they did briskly; and after reciprocal vollies passed, we charged them with bayonets and put them instantly to flight. After pusuing them above a mile and a half, night becoming dark, and a thick brush wood, favoured their escape. We took two field pieces, (one of them taken from Gen. Burgoyne at Saratoga.) About 60 of the rebels were found killed, and a number wounded; besides several prisoners taken. A number of deserters came in, by whom we are informed that above 2500 of the continentals, chiefly consisting of the rifle‑men and light infantry, were opposed to us in the action; besides 3000 militia as a corps de reserve, which were not engaged. None of the British were engaged except Col. Dundas’s brigade, as above, and latterly a few of the light infantry and Hessians. The 76th had killed Mr. Lewis Macdonald, a volunteer of my company, who fell by my side, and six privates; and wounded, three officers, and 23 rank and file. The officers are, Lieut. Wemys, Lieut. Donald Macdonald, and Ensign C. Macdonald. The 80th had three officers wounded, two of whom since died, and 27 rank and file:42nd one killed. The light infantry and Hessians a few wounded. Except the action at Petersburgh, this was the first day the 76th and 80th were tried. It would not become me to pass any encomium upon them, the compliment paid them by Lord Cornwallis, in next day’s orders, far surpass any thing that I can say. Extract of a letter from an officer in the 76th regiment, dated on board the Lord Mulgrave transport, Hampton Road, Virginia, July 23. Caledonian Mercury, Oct 10th, 1781.
Return of the Killed, Wounded, & Missing, of the Troops under the Command of Lieutenant General Earl Cornwallis in the Action of the 6th July 81
Brigade of Lt. Infantry: 2 Rank & File Killed; 7 Rank & File Wounded; 9 Total. 43d Regt.: 2 Rank & File Killed; 1 Rank & File Wounded; 3 Total. 76th Regt.: 6 Rank & File Killed; 2 Lieutenants, 1 Ensign, 2 Drummers, 22 Rank & File Wounded; 1 Rank & File Missing; 34 Total. 80th Regt.: 1 Rank & File Killed; I Captain, 2 Lieutenants, 26 Rank & File Wounded; 30 Total. B. Legion Cavalry: I Lieutenant, I Serjeant Wounded; 2 Total. Horses‑ 2 Killed, 5 Wounded. Total: 11 Rank & File Killed; 1 Captain, 5 Lieutenants, 1 Ensign, 1 Serjeant, 2 Drummers, 56 Rank & File Wounded; I Rank & File Missing; 78 Total. Horses‑ 2 Killed, 5 Wounded. Officers Names 76th Lieut. Donald McDonald Wounded Lieut. Willm. Wemyss Do Ensn. Colin McDonald Do 80th Capt. Cumming Do Lieut. Alston Do Lieut. Belvavid Do Since dead B. Legion Lieut. Grier do Volunteer Fitzgerald Lt. Infantry do N:B: Regt. of Bose 2 Serjts., 3 Rank & file wounded, omitted in the former Return. J. Despard Dep. Adj. Gen. University of Michigan, William L. Clements Library, Sir Henry Clinton Papers, Volume 162, item 39
External Articles
“Their presence Here … Has Saved this State …” Continental Provisional Battalions with Lafayette in Virginia, 1781 by John U. Rees
Aerial view of zigzag approach trenches dug by Greene's army
The health of Lieutenant Colonel Samuel Hawes, the commander of the “new” 2d Virginia Regiment formed of eighteen month levies, had declined following the battles of Guilford Courthouse and Hobkirk’s Hill, forcing him to relinquish command of the 2d Virginia Regiment in May 1781 with command passing to Major Smith Snead.
Lieutenant colonel Campbell, of the first Virginia regiment, with a detachment from the Maryland and Virginia brigades, was charged with the attack on the left; lieutenant colonel Lee, with the legion infantry and Kirkwood’s Delawares, with that on the right. Lieutenants Duval of Maryland, and Seldon of Virginia, commanded the forlorn hope of Campbell; and captain Rudolph, of the legion, that of Lee. Fascines were prepared to fill up the enemy’s ditch, long poles with iron hooks were furnished to pull down the sandbags, with every other requisite to facilitate the progress of the assailant. At eleven the third parallel was manned, and hour sharp shooters took their station in the tower. The first signal was announced from the centre battery, upon which the assailing columns entered the trenches; manifesting delight in the expectation of carrying by their courage the great prize in view.
At the second cannon, which was discharged at the hour of twelve, Campbell and Lee rushed to the assault. Cruger, always prepared, received them with his accustomed firmness. The parapets were manned with spike and bayonet, and the riflemen, fixed at the apertures, maintained a steady and destructive fire. Duval and Seldon, entered the enemy’s ditch at different points, and Campbell stood prepared to support them, in the rear of the party furnished with hooks to pull down the sand bags. This party had also entered the enemy’s ditch, and began to apply the book. Uncovering the parapet now would have given us victory; and such was the vigorous support afforded by the musketry from the third parallel, from the riflemen in the tower, and from the artillery mounted in battery, that sanguine expectations of this happy issue were universally endulged. The moment the bags in front were pulled down, Campbell would have mounted the parapet, where the struggle would not have been long maintained. Cruger had prepared an intermediate battery with his three pieces, which he occasionally applied to the left and right. At first it was directed against Lee’s left, but very soon every piece was applied to Campbell’s right, which was very injurious to his column.
Aerial view of the Star Fort as it looks today
Major Green, commanding in the star redoubt, sensible of the danger to which he was exposed, if the attempted lodgment upon his front curtain succeeded, determined to try the bayonet in his ditch as well as on his parapet. To captains Campbell and French was committed this bold effort. Entering into the ditch through a sally-port to the rear of the star, they took opposite directions, and soon came into contact, the one with Duval, the other with Seldon. Here ensued a desperate conflict. The Americans, not only fighting with the enemy in front but with the enemy overhead, sustained gallantly the unequal contest, until Duval and Seldon became disabled by wounds, when they yielded, and were driven back with great loss to the point of entry. The few surviving escaped with the hookmen to our trenches, where yet remained Campbell, the sand-bags not being removed. On the left, the issue was very different. Rudolph gained the enemy’s ditch, and followed by the column, soon opened his way into the fort, from which the enemy, giving their last fire, precipitately retreated. Measures were in train on the part of Lee, to follow up his blow by passing the rivulet, entering the town, and forcing the fortified prison, whence the left might have yielded substantial aid to the attack upon the star, by compelling Cruger to struggle for the town, or forcing him with all his troops to take refuge in the star; a situation not long to be held, crowded as he must have been, and destitute of water. The adverse fortune experienced by our left column, made the mind of Greene return to his cardinal policy, the preservation of adequate force to keep the field.
Charmed with the courage displayed in his view, and regretting its disadvantageous application, he sent orders to Campbell to draw off, and to Lee to desist from further advance, but to hold the stockade abandoned by the enemy.
Our loss amounted, during the siege, to one hundred and eighty-five killed and wounded; that of the garrison to eighty-five. Captain Armstrong, of the Maryland line, was the only officer killed on our side, as was lieutenant Roney the only one on theirs. After our repulse, Greene sent a flag to lieutenant colonel Cruger, proposing a cessation of hostilities for the purpose of burying the dead; but as to the burial of the dead the proposition was rejected, Cruger not choosing to admit our participation in a ceremonial which custom had appropriated to the victor.
As soon as it was dark, the detachment was withdrawn from the stockade, and preparations were begun for retreat.
2d Virginia Regiment at Ninety-Six
While not mentioned by name in Lee’s account of the assault, the men of the 2d Virginia Regiment were also engaged during the twenty-eight day siege, as Lieutenant William Eskridge wrote an avadavat in 1788 that “…Patrick Bennigen a soldier of the 2d Virginia Regiment Was in the Action at ninety-six in So Carolina, where he received two wounds, one in the body — and the other broke his wrist — both by musquet Balls”
The Virginia Brigade would first see combat at the Battle of Guilford Courthouse in March 1781. While “Colonel Green…with his regiment of Virginia, was drawn off without having tasted of battle, and ordered to a given point in the rear for security…” Hawes’s battalion was heavily engaged on the American right of the third line. Lieutenant Colonel Henry “Light Horse Harry” Lee noted that they were “…composed of new soldiers, among whom were mingled a few who had served from the beginning of the war; but all the officers were experienced and approved.”
When Cornwallis sent Webster’s Brigade to break Greene’s third line, they “…rushed into close fire; but so firmly was he received by this body of veterans, supported by Hawe’s regiment of Virginia…that with equal rapidity he was compelled to recoil from the shock.” As the battle concluded, “General [Issac] Huger, who had, throughout the action, given his chief attention to the regiment of Hawes’s, the only one of the two, constituting his brigade, ever engaged, and which, with Kirkwood’s company, was still contending with lieutenant colonel Webster, now drew it off by order of the general;”
Lee commended the untested brigade and credited its officers in that “…the two regiments of Virginia were comprised of raw troops; but their officers were veteran, and the soldier is soon made fit for battle by experienced commanders.”
Excerpt from “…the soldier is soon made fit for battle by experienced commanders.”: The Collapse, Reformation, and Battle History of the Virginia Brigade of the Southern Army, 1780-81 by Todd Post
“This was a second Bunker’s Hill affair, in miniature; with this difference, that we kept our post, and had only one man wounded in the hand.”
– Colonel William Woodford Virginia Gazette, 15 December 1775
Prelude to Great Bridge
Part of the Province of Virginia. Library of Congress
While Colonel Patrick Henry of the 1st Virginia Regiment was technically the commander-in-chief of Virginia’s forces, correspondence between the President of Virginia’s Committee of Safety Edmund Pendleton and Colonel William Woodford of the 2d Virginia Regiment indicates that this was a political decision in recognition of Henry’s efforts prior to the outbreak of hostilities. Woodford on the other hand had served in the French and Indian War and had real military experience. For this reason, the Pendleton decided to keep Henry in Williamsburg, Virginia while dispatching the 2d Virginia Regiment to meet Governor Dunmore’s small “army” comprised of detachments of the 14th Regiment of Foot, Marines, runaway slaves who had been formed into the Ethiopian Regiment that had taken up post near Great Bridge, near of Norfolk in modern day Chesapeake VA.
Edmund Pendleton to William Woodford, 24 December 1775
The Field Officers to each Regiment will be named here and recommended to Congress in case our Army is taken into Continental pay, they will send Commissions — a General Officer will be chosen there I doubt not and sent Us; with that matter I hope we shall not intermeddle, lest it should be thought propriety requires our calling or rather recommending our present First Officer [Colonel Henry] to that station. Believe me Sir The unlucky step of calling that Gentleman from our Councils where he was useful, into the Field in an Important Station, the duties of which he must in the nature of things, be an entire stranger to, has give me many anxious and uneasy moment. In consequence of this mistaken step which can’t not be retracted or remedied, For he has done nothing worthy of degradation and must keep his Rank, we must be deprived of the Service of some able officers, whose Honor and former Ranks will not suffer them to Act under him, in this juncture when we so much need their Services, however I am told that [Hugh] Mercer, [William] Buckner, [William] Dangerfield and [George] Weedon will serve and are well thought of. I am also that Mr. [Charles Mynn] Thruston and Mr. Millikin ar Candidates for Regiments. The latter I believe will raise and have a German one. In the course of these reflections my greatest concern is on your Account, The pleasure I have enjoyed in Finding your Army conducted with wisdom and success, and your Conduct meet the General Approbation of the Convention and Countrey, make me more uneasy at a thought that the Countrey should be deprived of your Services or you made uneasy in it, by any untoward circumstances. I had seen your Letter to our friend Mr. [Joseph] Jones (now a member of the Committee of Safety) and besides that Colonel Henry had laid before the Committee your Letter to him and desired Our Opinion whether he was to command you or not. We never determined this ‘til Fryday evening, a Copy of the Resolution I inclose you. If this will not be agreable and prevent future disputes, I hope some happy medium will be suggested to effect the purpose and make you easy, for the Colony cannot part with you, while Troops are necessary to be continued.
The Committee of Safety was hard put to it to work our a formula that would give Henry the face-saving semblance of over-all command while leaving Woodford the actual commander. In the end the following resolution was adopted, a copy of which accompanied Pendleton’s letter to Woodford: “Resolved unanimously, that Colonel Woodford, although acting under a separate and detached command, ought to correspond with Colonel Henry, and make returns to him at proper times, of the state and conditions of the forces under his command; and also that he is subject to his orders, when the convention, or the committee of safety, is not sitting, but that while either of these bodies are sitting, he is to receive his orders from one of them.”
Because either the Convention or the Committee of Safety would always be sitting, Henry was effectively shelved.
"A view of the Great Bridge near Norfolk in Virginia where the action happened between a detachment of the 14th Regt: & a body of the rebels." by Francis Rawdon-Hastings, 1st Marquess of Hastings
When Woodford arrived at the Great Bridge on December 4, 1775, he “found the area for a considerable distance from each end of the bridge a swamp, except for two bits of land that might not improperly be called islands, being surrounded entirely by water and marsh, and joined to the mainland by causeways”. On the northern “island” stood the stockaded wooden fort (prejoratively called “the Hog Pen”) that Dunmore had caused to be erected, with two four-pound cannon so placed as to command the bridge and both causeways. The southern causeway, that nearer Woodford’s position, ran the 150 yard length of the second “island” and contained seven houses; and from that point the road extended 400 yards past a dozen houses to where it forked in front of a church, where the 2d Virginia Regiment pitched its camp and began entrenchments consisting of a breastwork in the form of a “sagging M” seven feet high, with mounting platforms and loopholes, and in length 150 feet. And on a firm, penninsula-like projection of land west of the town, they erected two earthworks for batteries when cannon should be made available. (Revolutionary Virginia: The Road to Independence, Volume 5)
Captain Matthew Squire, HM Sloop Otter to Vice Admiral Samuel Graves, 2 December, 1775
We have now a small fort at the great Bridge, which the Rebels must pass to come to Norfolk, we have destroyed the Bridge, and for these ten days past, have kept a body of near nine hundred Rebels from passing. We have likewise entrenched the town of Norfolk, and I have great reason to suppose, & hope from their being such Cowards, and Cold weather coming on, that they will return to their respective homes, & we shall be quiet the remainder of the Winter.
Colonel William Woodford to the Virginia Convention, 4 December 1775
I arrived at this place the Day before Yesterday, & found the Enemy Posted on the Opposite side of the Bridge in a Stockade Fort, with two four pounders, some swivells & Wall Pieces, with which they keep up a constant Fire, have done no other damage than Kill’d Corporal Davis with a cannon Ball, the Man that was Killed on Lt. Colo. Scotts first arrival here, & Yesterday Wounded one of the Minute Men in the Wrist, from all Accts from the other side we have killed many of them…their Numbers in the Fort are said to be 250, Chiefly Blacks; commanded by Serjts. of the Regulars, that act as Officers, & the Scotch Tories of Norfolk.
We keep a Capt. and 42 Men as a Guard upon some Boats we have secured down the River about 6 Miles, the Enemy keep a Guard of about the same Number on the Opposite side to secure three other Boats they have. Between these parties there is a constant Fire, we have been lucky enough to recieve no damage, our Officers & Men say they can discover Many fall from the Fire of our Riffles, who I have directed only to Fire when they have a good chance.
My Intelligence inform’d me this Boat Guard of the Enemy might be Attacked to advantage by a Party crossing A Mile below (where a sufficient Boat lay concealed in a cove). I Yesterday detach’d Capt Taliaferro with 60 Men to lay concealed in that Neighbourhood, & cross in the Night with proper guides to conduct him to the back of the Enemy Post, if they find a ready passage, & are well conducted, I have the greatest expectations that they will cutt them off between two Fires. The Officers have discretionary Orders, as to returning, or maintaining this post on the other side. If they find the situation & other circumstances favourable, I shall immediately reinforce them.
We have raised a strong Breast work upon the lower part of the Streat joining the Causway, from which Centrys are Posted at some Old Rubbish not far from the Bridge (which is mostly destoy’d) some blacks got over last Night & set fire to the House nighest the Bridge, five Houses (some of them Valuable) were consumed, one of the Centinals Shott one of them down. The great light this Occasion’d would have exposed our Men too much, to attempt saving any of the Houses, they have likewise destroy’d all the Buildings on the other side, & I am inform’d have done the same to many of our Friends in the Country.
The last Accts from Norfolk say their Fortifications were not then Finished. They were busily Imploy’d & preparing a Number of Cannon, which it’s supposed are Mounted by this time. I am happy to find that steps I have ventured to take are agreeable to the Wishes of your Honorable Body. The Enemy’s Fort, I think, might have been taken, but not without the loss of many of our Men, their Situation is very advantageous, & no way to Attack them, but by exposing most of the Troops to their Fire upon a large open Marsh….
Colo. Robert Howe [of North Carolina]…informs me [by express] that I might expect 400 to 500 Men with some Cannon & Ammunition at this place tonight, & that they had 900 men at different places in Motion to Join us…. We are now making the Necessary preparations to raise Batterys for these Cannon upon the most Advantageous ground to play upon their Fort, & sent a large detachment at the same time to intercept their Retreat….
Our small Stock of Ammunition will be soon expended, & I must request another Supply, an Additional Blanket to each Soldier would be very Necessary, if to be had. The Men are tolerably well at present, but the dampness of the Ground, without straw (which is not to be had) must soon lay many of them up, & Houses that are tolerable safe from the Enemy Cannon, can only be procurred for a few.
Colonel William Woodford to Edmund Pendleton, 5 December 1775
Soldier of the 2d Virginia Regiment, 1775
After my letter of Yesterday, I received an Acct. from Capt. Taliaferro that the Boat intended for him to cross in could not be got off ’till day light, & he desired my further Instructions. I had sent Capt. Nicholas with 42 Men to reinforce Taliaferro & on Receipt of his letter, order’d Lt. Colo. Stevens to take the Command of the Whole. They crossed about Midd Night, & got to the Enemys Centinals without being discover’d. One of them Challenged & not being Answer’d, Fired at our party, the fire was returned by our Men, & an over Eagerness at first, & rather a backwardness afterwards, occation’d some confusion, & prevented the Colonel’s. plan from being so well executed as he intended, however, he Fired their Fortification & House, in which one Negro perished, Killed one dead upon the Spott, & took two others Prisoners. This party (consisting of 26 Blacks & 9 Whites) escaped under cover of the Night.
This Country between this & Suffolk is so exposed to several Water Courses, that there will be an Absolute Necessity to Establish two or three posts upon the Road, as the Inhabitants are all Tories & when the Fort over the Bridge is reduced, a strong party must guard this Important pass. All these reasons induce me to advice what I recommended Yesterday, some 4 lb Shott with 3 or 4 of the best Mounted Cannon of that size.
The want of…Shoes begins to be severly felt by some, & will shortly be so by the Whole, unless a Speedy supply arrives…. The bearer brings you one of the Balls taken out of the Cartridges found upon the Negro Prisoners. As they are extreemly well made & no doubt by some of the Non comd. Officers of the Regulars…. This Horrid preparation was made for the Flesh of our Countrymen, the others are prepared in the same Manner…. I have never suff’d a Soldier of mine to do a thing of this kind.
Colonel William Woodford to the Virginia Convention, 6 December 1775
The Fort over the Bridge was reinforced last Night with about 90 Men, & they seem very Busy at Work. No news of the Carolina Cannon yet. By the Firing at our Boat guard I expect the Enemy have taken post there again, when well inform’d of their Situation & Numbers, I shall endeavour to surprise them again.
Colonel William Woodford to Colonel Patrick Henry, 7 December 1775
The enemy are strongly fortified on the other side of the bridge, and a great number of negroes and tories with them; my prisoners disagree as to the numbers. We are situated here in mud and mire, exposed to every hardship that can be conceived, but the want of provisions, of which our stock is but small, the men suffering for shoes, and if ever soldiers deserved a second blanket in any service, they do in this; our stock of ammunition much reduced, no bullet moulds that were good for any thing sent to run up our lead, till those sent the other day by Mr. Page. If these necessaries and better arms had been furnished in time for this detachment, they might have prevented much trouble and great expense to this colony. Most of those arms I received the other day from Williamsburg, are rather to be considered as lumber, than fit to be put in men’s hands, in the face of any enemy. With much repair, some of them will do; with those, and what I have taken from the enemy, I hope to be better armed in a few days.
Colonel Woodford to the Virginia Convention, 7 December 1775
I have the pleasure to inform you that my detachment last Night under the Command of Lieut. Colo. Scott beat up the Quarters of the Enemys other party, who I inform’d you had again taken post opposite our Boat Guard. They Killed one White Man & three Negros, took three of the Latter Prisoners, two of Which are Wounded (one Mortally) with six muskets & 3 Bayonetts. The Colo. unluckily fell in with a Cart coming from Norfolk, guarded by four Men, some distance from the Enemy’s post, who Fired upon our party & Alarm’d them, otherways there is no doubt most of their Men would have fallen into our Hands. Their Number 70. Col. Scott’s party 150, who all escaped unhurt, one Man only was grazed by a Ball in the Thumb.
The Battle of Great Bridge
Colonel William Woodford to the Virginia Convention Great Bridge, 9 December 1775
The Enemy were reinforced about three Oclock this Morning with (as they tell me) every Soldier of the 14th Regt. at Norfolk, amounting to 200 Commanded by Capt. Leslie, & this Morning after Revelle Beating crossed the Bridge by laying down some plank, & made an Attempt to Force our breast Work, the prisoners say the Whole Numbers amounted to 500 with Volunteers & Blacks, with two pieces of Cannon but none Marched up but his Majestys Soldiers, who behaved like English Men. We have found their Dead, Capt. Fordice & 12 privates, and have Lieut. Batut Wounded in the Leg & 17 privates prisoners all Wounded. They carried their Cannon back under Cover of the Guns of the Fort, & a Number of their Dead. I should Suppose…their Loss must be upwards of 50. Some powder & Catridges were taken…. There has been no Firing since [a flag of truce allowed the British to collect their dead and wounded]. We are now under Arms expecting another Attack.
Letter from a Midshipman on Board HM Sloop Otter, 9 December, 1775
Our troops, with about sixty Townsmen from Norfolk, and a detachment of Sailors from the ships, among whom I had the honour to march, set out from Norfolk to attack once more the Rebels at the great bridge, who had been lodged there some time, and had erected a breast-work opposite to our fort on their side of the river. We arrived at the Fort half an hour after three in the morning, and, after refreshing ourselves, prepared to attack the Rebels in their entrenchment.
We marched up to their works with the intrepidity of lions. But, alas! We retreated with much fewer brave fellows than we took out. Their fire was so heavy, that, had we not retreated as we did, we should every one have been cut off. Figure to yourself a strong breast-work built across a causeway, on which six men only could advance a-breast; a large swamp almost surrounding them, at the back of which were two small breast-works to flank us in our attack on their intrenchments. Under these disadvantages it was impossible to succeed; yet our men were so enraged, that all the intreaties, and…threats of their Officers could [not convince] them to retreat; which at last they did…We had sixty killed, wounded, and taken prisoner.
Major Alexander Spotswood, Purdie’s Virginia Gazette, 15 December 1775
We were alarmed this morning by the firing of some guns just after reveille beating, which as the enemy had paid us this compliment several times before, we at first concluded to be nothing but a morning salute; but, in a short time after, I heard adjutant Blackburn call out, “Boys, stand to your arms.” Col. Woodford and myself immediately got equipped, and ran out. The colonel pressed down to the breastwork, in our front; and my alarm post being 250 yards in another quarter, I ran to it as fast as I could, and by the time I had made all ready for engaging, a very heavy fire ensued at the breastwork, in which were not more than 60 men. It continued for about half an hour, when the king’s troops gave way, after sustaining considerable loss, and behaving like true-born Englishmen. They marched up to our intrenchments with fixed bayonets; our young troops received them with firmness, and behaved as well as it was possible for soldiers to do. Capt. Fordyce, of the grenadiers, led the van with his company, and lieutenant Batut commanded the advance party. The former got killed within a few yards of the breastwork, with 12 privates. The lieutenant, with 16 soldiers, were taken prisoner, all wounded. Several others were carried into the fort, under cover of their cannon; and from the blood on the bridge, they must have lost one half of their detachment. It would appear that providence was on our side, for, during the whole engagement, we lost not a man, and only one was slightly wounded, in the hand….
Colonel William Woodford to the Virginia Convention, 10 December 1775
John Murray, 4th Earl of Dunmore
I must apologize for the hurry in which I wrote you Yesterday; since which nothing of moment has happened, but the abandoning of the Fort by the Enemy; We have taken Possession of it this morning.
From the vast effusion of blood on the bridge & in the Fort, from the Accounts of the Centries who saw many bodies carried out of the Fort to be interd, & other circumstances I conceive their loss to be much greater than I thought it yesterday, & the victory to be complete…. I have dispatched scouting Parties, & from their intelligence I shall regulate my future operations.
I am just informed by Lieut Batut that a Servant of Majr. Marshall who was in the party with Colo. Scott & deserted informed Lord Dunmore that not more than 300 Shirtmen were here; that imprudent Man caught at the bait & dispatched Capt. Leslie with all the Regulars who arrived at the Fort about 4 in the morng.
Colonel William Woodford to Edmund Pendleton, 10 December 1775
A servant belonging to major [Thomas] Marshal, who deserted the other night from col. Charles Scott’s party, has completely taken his lordship in. Lieutenant Batut, [of Britain’s 14th Regiment], who is wounded, and at present my prisoner, informs, that this fellow told them not more than 300 shirtmen were here; and that [Dunmore took] the bait, dispatching capt. Leslie with all the regulars (about 200) who arrived at the bridge about 3 o’clock in the morning, joined [by] about 300 black and white slaves, laid planks upon the bridge, and crossed just after our reveille had beat…capt. Fordyce of the grenadiers led the [attack] with his company, who, for coolness and bravery, deserved a better fate, as well as the brave fellows who fell with him, who behaved like heroes. They marched up to our breastwork with fixed bayonets, and perhaps a hotter fire never happened, or a greater carnage, for the number of troops. None of the blacks etc. in the rear, with capt. Leslie, advanced farther than the bridge. This was a second Bunker’s Hill affair, in miniature; with this difference, that we kept our post, and had only one man wounded in the hand.
Aftermath
Following the Battle of Great Bridge, Woodford’s letters were reprinted in Purdie’s Virginia Gazette on 15 December 1775 stating that they had captured: “35 stands of arms and accoutrements, 3 officers [fusils], powder, ball and cartridges, with sundry other things, have likewise fallen into our hands.”, as well as Dixon and Hunter’s Virginia Gazette on 16 December 1775: “I must apologize for the hurry in which I wrote you yesterday, since which nothing of a moment has happened but the abandoning of the fort by the enemy. We have taken possession of it this morning, and found therein the stores mentioned in the enclosed list, to wit, 7 guns 4 of them sorry, 1 bayonet…Enclosed is an inventory of the arms, &c. taken yesterday, to wit, 2 silver mounted [fusils] with bayonets, 1 steel do. without bayonet, 24 well fixed muskets with bayonets, 6 muskets without bayonets, 28 cartridge boxes with pouches; 3 silver mounted cartridge boxes…26 bayonet belts…The arms I shall retain for the use of the army.”
"The Battle of Germantown" by Xavier della Gatta, 1782
The heroism and gallantry of the second Virginia regiment I cannot help particularly mentioning; they would do honour to any country in the world. It is universally believed they behaved the best of any troops in the field.”
— Virginia Gazette, October 17, 1777
Virginia Gazette, October 17, 1777
WILLIAMSBURG, Oct. 17. Extract of a letter from York town, Pennsylvania, dated October 8, 1777.
Our loss is pretty well fixed to seven hundred killed, wounded, and missing; that of the enemy not certainly known, but surely very great, as you may judge by the following intelligence, brought this evening by General Green’s aid de camp, and which he says may be relied upon: General Agnew, Colonels Walcot, Abercrombie, and Thomas Byrd, from Virginia, with General De Heister’s son, killed; General Kniphausen wounded in the hand; and between two and three hundred waggons, loaded with wounded, sent to Philadelphia. That General Howe had sent about two thousand Hessians over Schuylkill (denoting a retreat) and that he had refused to let any of the inhabitants of Philadelphia go to see the field of battle”.
“General Schuyler writes us, the twenty ninth of September, that if superior numbers, health, and spirits, can give success, our army in the Northern department will have it this campaign.
“For my part, I do not despair of success in this quarter also. Another such battle as the last will totally unfit General Howe for pursuing farther hostilities this campaign, and again possess us of Philadelphia.”
This moment an express arrived, with a letter from Captain William Pierce, dated Skippack camp, 12 o’clock P.M. the day which the above bloodly battle was fought. It contains sundry particulars, but the printed has only time to relate the following, viz. Our glorious general, after animating speech to his army, directed them to hold themselves in readiness to march at 6 o’clock, with two days provision, ordered large fires to be made in the camp, and the tents to stand still nine at night, when they were to be struck, and put into the baggage waggons. The army marched all night, arrived at Chestnut Hill about day-break, and immediately fell upon the enemy’s picket guard, with such fury and firmness, that they were instantly routed, with great slaughter. The whole army then pushed towards Germantown, but were met by the main body of the British army consisting of about ten thousand men, when a hot and dreadful engagement ensued. After an incessant fire of cannon and musketry, for upwards of an hour, the enemy gave way in all quarters and our men drove them, with fixed bayonets, for near two miles, when they formed again. Our men, with steadiness and intrepidity, broke them a second time, and they retreated in great disorder to Germantown, with our whole army in close pursuit of them, till they got about half way the town,
"...when they took up in houses..."Cliveden, the home of Benjamin Chew, was used by British forces during the battle
when they took up in houses, and opened upon our men two or three field pieces with grape shot, which played with such violence that general Sullivan’s division gave way, and we, in turn, were beat back better than two miles. Both armies, being greatly fatigued, shewed a willingness to discontinue the fight, and ours were ordered to march to Skippack creek, where they are now encamped. The enemy contented themselves with their last advantage, and retired to their old quarters at Germantown. They must have had 1000 killed dead on the field, and at least 1500 wounded. A Captain, and twenty five men, fell into our hands. Our loss does not exceed three hundred killed, and five hundred wounded. We brought off two field pieces, and two waggons loaded with baggage. General Nash is mortally wounded with a cannon ball. Col. Hendricks is wounded below the left eye, but likely to recover; he behaved with such heroism, that he was the admiration of the field. Lieut. Col. Parker, of the second Virginia regiment, a brave officer, got wounded in the leg, and it is said the bone is broke. Col. Matthew Smith, our deputy adjutant general, got his leg broke by a grape shot. Cornet Baylor, of light horse, had one half of his foot shot away. Major Jameson had his horse killed under him, but he himself was unhurt. Capt. Dickinson was slightly wounded in the knee. Capt. Thomas Edmonds was so badly wounded, that he died in a few hours. Capt. Eustace, of the first Virginia regiment, was killed dead on the spot. Two Maryland colonels, of the name of Stone, were wounded, and many other officers, that I cannot recollect at present. The heroism and gallantry of the second Virginia regiment I cannot help particularly mentioning; they would do honour to any country in the world. It is universally believed they behaved the best of any troops in the field. Indeed the whole continental army is composed of a set of brave men; and if the different states would exert themselves to raise their different quotas, general WASHINGTON would put an end to the contest immediately. The artillery I cannot overlook; it was served, in every instance, to admiration. Col. Josiah Parker behaved like a hero. Brigade Major Scott does honour to his country, and in the action shewed himself to be one of the first military characters in our army. Capt. Moss, of the first Virginia regiment, I must not forget; he is truly a brave man. The Carolina troops fought like heroes. — The Delaware Frigate fell into the enemy’s hands, it is said by the treachery of the crew; but the river is still ours, and I am convinced Philadelphia will be again in a few weeks.
Dr. James Wallace to Michael Wallace
Head Quarters Army, Oct. 12, 1777
Dear Sir: I received yours two days after the action at German Town whilst I was in the midst of fatigue and hurry with my sick wounded, among whome was our friend Col. Blackburn, who was wounded through the thigh, has been under my care ill within these few days I left him at Baltimore in care of Dr. Brown. I make no doubt but by this time you have a very ostentatious account of the drubbing we had at German Town. We most certainly were drubbed, let the account which you have received be what they will. I wish it was in my power to give you a just account of the action. I believe few know. But this much is evident that we attacked the enemy early in the morning before it was quite light, and drove them some distance, when all of a sudden we retreated in a very confused state and left many of our wounded on the field. The 9th Virg’a Reg. was all taken to a man; the manner in which they were taken does them much honour, if it be true. It is said they fought their way into the commons of Philadelphia and on the army’s retreating they were left without any support, and were surrounded and all taken.
The whole of this affair appears a mystery to me. Many of the officers have told me that when they were ordered to retreat they were then pursuing the enemy, who were flying before them; they were astonished to the last degree when they retreated from the highest expectations of success. Our army is now [in] exceedingly good spirits. We increase every day with the militia from Virginia, we have rec’d a reinforcement of about 1500 Continental troops from New England.
We lost only one officer out of our Regiment, which was Mr. Die of Capt. Willises company. Our Lieutenant Col. Parker was wounded in the leg. Since the action we have lost a fine officer from our Reg’t, viz., Col. Spotswood, who has resigned and gone home. I wrote you a day or two before the engagement at Brandy Wine which I imagine you have not rec’d. Many of my intimate acquaintances were killed; the third Virg’a Reg’t was cut to pieces.
Narrative of My Life; For My Family, Francis T. Brooke
The General was neglectful of his affairs, and was better fitted for the army than for the pursuits of civil life. He commanded the second regiment, at the battle of Brandywine; and, it was said by a British writer, one Smith, that it was the only regiment that left the field of battle in good order. He was again in the battle of Germantown, where his brother, Capt. Spotswood, being badly wounded, was thought to be dead; whereupon he sent his resignation to Gen. Washington, having made a contract with his brother, when they entered the army, that if either should be killed, the survivor should return home to take care of the two families. When it was known that Capt. Spotswood was still alive, a prisoner in Philadelphia, he wished to return to his command in the army; but General Washington replied to his letter to this effect, that he could not be reinstated in his former command, because many officers had been promoted after his resignation…General Spotswood spent a great deal of his fortune in the army; and representing a claim for his land, before a committee of the Senate of Virginia, I heard General Meade, who was a member of that committee say, that he knew the fact, that while the army of the North was naked of clothing, General Spotswood had clothed his whole regiment out of his own pocket, in Philadelphia.
The September 3, 1777 battle of Cooch’s Bridge between Brigadier General William Maxwell’s corps of light infantry (which consisted of 100 men from each Continental brigade, as there was no Continental light infantry at this time) and a combined force of the 2nd battalion of light infantry (a composite British force made up of the light companies of several regiments), German jaegers and hat companies, and British artillery was a major skirmish prior to the battle of Brandywine, and the only significant battle to take place in Delaware.
On Tuesday, September 2, 1777, General William Howe was at Grey’s Hill, Lieutenant General Wilhelm von Knyphausen was stationed at Buck Tavern, also called Carson’s, (south of Summit Bridge), Major General Charles Grey was at Lum’s Pond, (then called Mill Dam). General George Washington reconnoitered around Mill Dam but did not see any troops and wrongly believed that Knyphausen must have rejoined Howe.
That evening, Washington, in Wilmington, wrote to Maxwell, near Cooch’s Bridge:
I do not know where the Sign of the Buck is, I therefore cannot say whether it will be proper for you to leave your present post to go and attack the party that is said to be thereabouts. If it is upon your left as I suppose it is it will be by no means proper, because while you were gone down, the enemy might advance from Grey’s Hill to Christeen and cut you off from us.
General Caesar Rodney was at Noxontown with about 370 Kent County militia. He knew the enemy were moving toward Christiana Creek and wanted to cause them some trouble. He wrote to Washington that he: “kept his light horse, about 17 or 18 in number, out beating up the enemy’s quarters, and gaining what intelligence he could of the enemy’s movements.” Rodney’s men exchanged shots with the enemy around Buck Tavern, alarming the whole camp; but he and the Delaware militia had no part in the Battle of Cooch’s Bridge.
The following morning, Wednesday, September 3, 1777, was cool; but the afternoon was excessively hot, as some American troops were reconnoitering around Aiken’s Tavern. They left before British troops arrived in the area. Maxwell stationed his troops all along the road between Aiken’s Tavern and Cooch’s Bridge. After resting and refitting at Head of Elk for over a week, Howe divided his army into two divisions under Earl Charles Cornwallis and Baron Wilhelm Knyphausen. Howe accompanied Cornwallis’s column, which advanced from Head of Elk and reached Aiken’s Tavern, in what is now Glasgow, DE, about 9:00 AM. Knyphausen division, marching from Cecil County Courthouse, arrived an hour later.
Cornwallis’ division, having arrived earlier, proceeded first on the road north from Aiken’s Tavern toward Cooch’s Bridge and Iron Hill. Just a mile north, the vanguard of German jaegers under Lieutenant Colonel Ludwig Johann Adolph von Wurmb encountered outposts of General Maxwell’s light corps. This ad hoc formation had been thrown together to replace Colonel Daniel Morgan’s valuable riflemen, sent some months earlier to aid Major-General Horatio Gates in New York.
Stationed “at the entrance of a wood,” the Americans commenced an irregular fire on the advancing British that continued for two miles up the road. Captain Johann Ewald of the Hessian jaegers, who had gone ahead with six dragoons to scout the road, “received fire from a hedge, through which these six men were all either killed or wounded.” This continued for some time as the Americans fell back from one position to another. Howe’s aide, Captain Friedrich von Muenchhausen, “saw several rebels behind trees, firing at our advancing jaegers, then retreating about 20 yards behind the next tree, then firing again.” Wurmb was meanwhile “continuously in front of the jaegers, encouraging them in every way, both by actions and by words.” Finally, the Americans retreated to the area of Cooch’s Bridge. Von Wurmb wrote of this retreat:
I had the corps form on the right and attack. The captain on the right wing found an opportunity to fall upon the enemy’s flank. After the enemy had shot themselves out of ammunition the fight was carried on with the sword, they being finally put to flight. But they immediately made a stand again and we drove them away the second time when they took post beyond Christeen Creek at Cooch’s Bridge. Here the second battalion of light infantry came to our assistance.
Howe ordered a simultaneous advance on both flanks of the enemy. On the American right, the attempt of Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Abercromby’s light infantry got entangled in the woods and bogged down, in what was known as “Purgatory Swamp,” advancing no further. On the left, Captain Carl August von Wreden with a body of Hessian grenadiers succeeded in gaining the American flank and “cannonaded [them] with some amusettes and charged with bayonets,” driving the Americans back in disorder. Major John André wrote, “their flight afterwards became so precipitate that great numbers threw down their arms and blankets.” Accounts of casualties vary widely, but probably approached thirty British and sixty Americans. What was intended to be little more than a delaying action had turned into a bloody skirmish. The initial tenacity of the Americans, as well as their propensity to break when pressed with the bayonet, was a portent of things to come.
The Americans retreated to rejoin the main army at White Clay Creek. They were pursued about two miles. The British and Germans then returned to Cooch’s Bridge and Iron Hill.
Washington wrote to Congress, two days after the battle:
We have not been able to ascertain the Enemy’s loss in the late Action by any other way, than by a Woman that came from their Camp yesterday, she says she saw Nine Waggon loads of Wounded. I think this probable because we had about forty killed and wounded, and as our Men were thinly posted they must have done more damage upon a close Body, than they received.” (The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.)
Aftermath
Howe made the following comments about the battle:
The Spirite’d Manner in Which Lt Colo Wormb & the officers & Men yesterday Engaged Defeated the chosen Advance’d Corps of the Enemy, Desires the highest Encomicum’s & Calls for the Genl’s Fullest Acknowledgements.
Washington wrote to Congress:
Upon reconnoitering their situation, it appeared probable that they only meant to amuse us in front, and by suddenly passing the Brandywine, get between us and Philadelphia. To prevent this, it was judged expedient to change our position immediately. The army accordingly marched at two o’clock this morning (September 9), and will take position this evening upon high ground near Chadd’s Ford.
Several eyewitness accounts of the battle of Cooch’s Bridge have survived and appear below:
Lt. Henry Stirke, 10th Regiment of Foot, Light Infantry
Septr 3d This morning about 5 O’Clock The Lt Infantry, Grenadiers, Hessian Chasseurs, Queens Rangers, some battalions of Brittish and Hessians, march’d under the Command of Sr Wm How, to take possession of they Iron Hills. About 8 O’Clock ye Hessian Chasseurs, and 2d Battalion of Light Infantry, attack’d a large party of the Rebels, strongly posted at a bridge, at the foot of the Iron hills ; which after a faint resistance, was carried with very little loss. The Rebels had about 50 kill’d, and Wounded ; The 1st Battalion of Light Infantry endeavouring to turn the left flank of ye Rebels, and cu[t] off their Retreat, was prevented by an Impassable morass, which ye Guide was not acquainted with. At this pass there was 500 Regulars, and 300 militia, under the Commd of Genl Maxwell.
Maryland Historical Journal, 1964
Anonymous British diary
Sepr – – the 3 [1777] Our Army Consisting of the Light Infentry gradiers Conoal [Colonel] Morises Raingers and Heaseans Cheeuars Marched at Day Break and fell in With the Rebels At A Very strong pass at Iron hill and they Soon Retreated of[f] to the Woods Leaving ther dead and Wounded on the ground / they had Sixty kild Which was in the Woods Some days befoare they Were found by Information of Some Disarters / 2d [i.e. two] Light Companys of the 2d. Battalion Advanced three Miles of[f] from the picquett and Returnd the same Night With Oppesion
Transcribed by John Rees and posted to RevWar75.com
Major Carl Leopold Baurmeister, Adjutant-General of the Hessian Forces in North America
Tomorrow morning, by five o’clock, camp must be broken and the regiments must be at the front ready to march. The old pickets will have been previously withdrawn. The new pickets of the English regiments will make up the vanguard and take along two of Lieutenant Willson’s 3-pounders; then will follow the English dragoons, except for that one non-commisioned officer and six dragoons who will march at the head of the pickets; then all the quartermasters and officer’s men from the battalions of the 71st Regiment; then the 3rd, (15th, 17th, 42nd, 44th Regiments) and 4th (33rd, 37th, 46th, 64th Regiments) English Infantry Brigades by half companies; then the Hessian Leib Regiment, Mirbach’s Regiment, the combined battalion (the Fusilier Battalion Loos, the remnants of Rall’s Brigade) and half of von Donop’s Regiment, then the baggage (the wagons of the generals first and the rest in the same order as the regiments). The baggage will be followed by the cattle, and the guards assigned to it will keep the drovers in order. The Hessian pickets will patrol along both sides of the baggage and cattle train, keeping particularly close watch on the right, Lieutenant Colonel Heymell (Carl Philipp Heymell) will form the rear with the other half of von Donop’s Regiment, which is to be preceded by Lieutenant Willson’s two remaining 3-pounders. Everyone is warned against setting fire to houses, barns, or other buildings along the line of march. At each building a double post will be left, which is to be relieved by each successive battalion until the rear guard. In addition, one officer and fifteen dragoons will follow the rear guard.
Major Carl Leopold Baurmeister, Adjutant-General of the Hessian Forces in North America 1776-1784 (translated by Bernhard A. Uhlendorf in Revolution in America: Confidential Lettters and Journals, 1957)
General William Howe
The spirited manner in which Lieutenant Colonel von Wurmb & the officers and men yesterday engaged & defeated the chosen advance corps of the enemy deserves the highest encomiums & calls for the General’s fullest acknowledgements.
Major Carl Leopold Baurmeister, Adjutant-General of the Hessian Forces in North America 1776-1784 (translated by Bernhard A. Uhlendorf in Revolution in America: Confidential Lettters and Journals, 1957)
Lieutenant Heinrich Carl Philipp von Feilitsch, Ansbach-Bayreuth Jaegers
The 3rd – We marched out of our camp at four o’clock in the morning. At a distance of two and one-half miles we entered Pennsylvania and shortly thereafter encountered and enemy corps of 3,000 men in the region of Wellstreg, or the Fort Euren Kill, or Katschers Mill (Gooch’s Mill). The enemy stood firm. The fire was extremely heavy and lasted about two hours. Only our corps (i.e. the jaegers) was engaged and a few English. The enemy attacked three times. We lost one dead and ten wounded, while the rebels suffered nearly fifty dead and, according to the deserters, very many wounded. We made few prisoners. Our jaegers conducted themselves well and, after the enemy was driven back, we entered camp during the afternoon not far from that place. The affair began at eight o’clock and lasted until ten. The company had two wounded, a corporal and a jaeger.
Lieutenant (later Captain) Heinrich Carl Philipp von Feilitsch (1752-1827)of the Ansbach-Bayreuth jaeger company (translated by Bruce E. Burgoyne in Diaries of Two Ansbach Jaegers, 1998)
Captain John Montresor
…the Country is close – the woods within shot of the road, frequently in front and flank and in projecting points towards the Road…A Continued Smart irregular fire [ensued] for near two miles.
“Journal of Captain John Montresor,” 3 September, 1777, in The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography Vol. 5, ( Philadelphia: The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1881 ), 412
Captain Johann Ewald, Jaegers
I…had not gone a hundred paces from the advance guard, when I received fire from a hedge, through which these six men [the dragoons] were all either killed or wounded. My horse, which normally was well used to fire, reared so high several times that I expected it would throw me. I cried out, “Foot jagers forward!” and advanced with them to the area from which the fire was coming…At this moment I ran into another enemy party with which I became heavily engaged. Lieutenant Colonel von Wurmb, who came with the entire Corps assisted by the light infantry, ordered the advance guard to be supported…The charge was sounded, and the enemy was attacked so severely and with such spirit by the jagers that we became masters of the mountain after a seven hour engagement … The majority of the jagers came to close quarters with the enemy, and the hunting sword was used as much as the rifle … The jagers alone enjoyed the honor of driving the enemy out of his advantageous position.
Captain Johann Ewald, Diary of the American War: A Hessian Journal, trans. & ed. By Joseph Tustin, ( New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1979), 77
Sergeant Thomas Sullivan, 49th Regiment of Foot
…after a hot fire the enemy retreated towards their main body, by Iron Hill. They made a stand at the Bridge for some time, but the pursuing Corps made them quit that post also, and retire with loss.
“Before and After the Battle of Brandywine: Extracts from the Journal of Sergeant Thomas Sullivan of H.M. Forty-Ninth Regiment of Foot”, 3 September, 1777 in The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 31, ( Philadelphia: Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1907), 410
General George Washington
September 3: “This morning the Enemy came out with considerable force and three pieces of Artillery, against our Light advanced Corps, and after some pretty smart skirmishing obliged them to retreat, being far inferior to them in number and without Cannon. The loss on either side is not yet ascertain’d. Ours, tho’ not exactly known is not very considerable; Their’s, we have reason to believe, was much greater, as some of our parties composed of expert Marksmen, had opportunities of giving them several close, well directed Fires, more particularly in one instance, when a body of Riflemen formed a kind of Ambuscade.They advanced about two Miles this side of Iron Hill, and then withdrew to that place, leaving a Picket at Couch’s Mill about a Mile in front. Our parties now lie at White Clay Creek, except the advanced Pickets, which are at Christiana Bridge.
The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor. Washington, U.S. Govt. Print. Off. [1931-44] September 3, 1777
William Walker, 4th Virginia Regiment
But passing over many interesting circumstances, from the above time to the latter part of August 1777, went on our march to meet the enemy in the State of Virginia as we supposed we were met immediately after passing Chester with an express that the enemy was landing at the head of Elk [River]. At this place 8 hundred men chiefly volunteers called the detached light infantry I being among them the following are the names of the field officers commanding this party, Rich. Parker [Lt. Colonel Richard Parker, 2d Virginia Regiment] , Colonel Heath [probably Willam Heath] with a glass eye Colonel Crawford [perhaps William Crawford] with his leather hunting shirt, pantaloons and Rifle, Colonel Martin [perhaps Alexander Martin] from North Carolina, General [William] Maxwell being the commander we marched to a place called Iron Hill where we remained until the 2nd of September, the enemy being as yet stationary when a very bloody conflict ensued. As no historian has noticed this I refer you to Washington’s Official letters. For myself I can say that this detachment on that day deserved well of their country.
The General Court found Robert Smith guilty and sentenced him to death, but was pardoned by a special act of the Virginia General Assembly in May 1782. On 7 June, Governor Harrison sent a letter to Hampshire County clerk Andrew Wodrow, to say “I send you pardons for four of the persons concerned in the late insurrection in the back country. There is no occasion for more as the noli prosequi secures the rest.” The case dropped against him, Claypool returned to Lost River in present day Hardy County, West Virginia until his death in 1823.
The 2d Virginia Regiment 